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Everyone talks about making money but not enough people talk about protecting it. It's harder to make money but very easy to blow everything away if not careful.
How do you manage risk when investing or making financial decisions, and what strategies have worked best for you?
There are still some people who are yet to trust cryptocurrency which is why they haven't diversified to that as an investment. They see cryptocurrency as scam which is why they refuse to buy any cryptocurrency/coin.
If you have invested in cryptocurrency, when did you make your first purchase? Which coin did you buy?
I've been on the fence about investing in cryptocurrency, I already have $3 worth of Ethereum that I got from a survey website, I didn't pay money for it I spent my time taking surveys and doing tasks. Bitcoin is obviously worth way more than Ethereum and is the oldest crypto. My question for the community, is it really worth trying to invest in crypto and is it similar to to investing in gold or should I completely ignore crypto and just hold on to the little crypto I have.
Creating a personal budget is one of the easiest ways to manage your money. When you have a budget, spending, saving, and investing becomes easy. I don't create a personal budget on a regular basis but sometimes i do, especially when the money is tight.
Do you create a personal budget to manage your income and track expenses? is it weekly budget or monthly budget.
Recommended After: Completing the Monetary Policy section and America: Freedom to Fascism
Purpose: Examine arguments concerning federal income taxation, constitutional law, government authority, and the relationship between taxation and individual liberty.
Slave Nation presents arguments challenging commonly held assumptions about the federal income tax system, the scope of federal authority, and the legal obligations of American citizens. The documentary also discusses constitutional principles, historical developments, and the relationship between taxation and personal freedom.
Because the documentary presents legal interpretations that are the subject of significant disagreement, viewers are encouraged to carefully examine the evidence presented, consult primary legal sources where appropriate, and compare multiple perspectives before reaching conclusions.
📚 Concepts Reinforced
Income TaxConstitutional LawGovernment AuthorityCivil LibertiesFederal ReserveGovernment DebtEconomic FreedomMonetary Policy
🔍 Key Questions to Consider
As you watch, distinguish between historical facts, legal citations, and the documentary's interpretations. Consider how the arguments relate to the broader themes explored throughout the Academy.
What constitutional arguments does the documentary present regarding federal taxation?
Which legal sources are cited to support its conclusions?
How does the documentary distinguish between statutory law and constitutional interpretation?
Which claims could be independently verified by reading court opinions, statutes, or government publications?
How does the discussion of taxation relate to earlier lessons on inflation and debt-based money?
What questions would you like to investigate further after watching?
💬 After Watching: Reflection & Discussion
This documentary presents a particular legal and historical perspective on taxation and government authority. Take time to reflect on the evidence presented before participating in the discussion below.
Reflection Questions
Which legal or historical argument did you find most thought-provoking?
Did the documentary raise questions you had not previously considered?
Which claims appear well-supported by legal or historical sources?
Which claims deserve additional research using statutes, court decisions, or other primary sources?
How does this documentary connect with earlier discussions on monetary policy, inflation, and the growth of government?
Join the Discussion
Share your thoughts below. Focus on the evidence presented, the legal and historical arguments discussed, and any additional sources that helped shape your understanding. Respectful, evidence-based discussion is encouraged.
First they came for Muslim activists. Then they came for Nigel Farage. Now, they’re coming for independent media outlets.
UK-based readers may recall the moment almost exactly three years ago when the word “debanking” entered the mainstream British English lexicon. The prestigious London-based private bank Coutts had just decided to close Nigel Farage’s bank account due to his unsavoury political views and alleged Russian connections. That decision turned out to be very costly.
Almost immediately, Farage did what Farage does best: he whipped up a massive media frenzy. In next to no time two senior banking scalps had been claimed: those of Dame Alison Rose, the CEO of Coutts’ parent bank and “Big Four” lender, Natwest (formerly known as the Royal Bank of Scotland) and Coutts’ chief executive Peter Flavel.
Within a month, Natwest’s share price had slumped 8%, wiping £1 billion off its market cap, much of which was being propped up with public funds, and generating juicy returns for short-selling hedge funds. As we reported at the time, the resulting scandal drew much-needed public attention to a long-standing but accelerating trend — the “de-banking” of people and organisations with politically inconvenient views:
[T]his is hardly a one-off event: as I reported a couple of weeks ago, banks on both sides of the Atlantic are increasingly debanking their customers, often without explanation. I gave the example of California-based writer, activist, and social and political commentator Elad Nehorai, whose political views and ideals could not diverge more from those of Nigel Farage. Yet he, too, had his account at Bank of America, his bank of many years, summarily closed with no apparent warning or explanation…
Without a bank account, it is almost impossible to participate in the economy. And it is getting more difficult as cash becomes harder and harder to access and use. As Alex Lo writes for South China Morning Post, “Banking is a fundamental utility like water and electricity, and that’s precisely why democratic societies are increasingly turning to its use as a method of censorship and repression.”
However, the resulting government inquiry concluded that customers were not being “debanked” for political reasons. As a result, not only has debanking continued but debanked customers now face the prospect of being blocked from setting up new accounts at other banks, as the Telegraph reported on Monday:
Banks are planning to block “debanked” customers from setting up accounts with other lenders, potentially leading to innocent people being effectively locked out of the financial system, The Telegraph can reveal.
Lobby group UK Finance is developing a platform that will allow banks to share data on their customers where they detect “markers of economic crime”.
Lloyds, Barclays and Revolut have already started sharing data about customers, leading to accounts being frozen or closed, The Telegraph understands, following a pilot in 2024.
The data-sharing platform will build on that pilot to make a UK-wide system, which could automatically bar people from opening another account.
But concerns have been raised that thousands of innocent customers and businesses who have been debanked unfairly could be barred from opening up an account with another bank, effectively leaving them locked out of the financial system.
The latest victim of the debanking trend is the left-wing news website The Canary, which has accused the Lloyds Banking Group of “withholding a substantial amount of our money” after nearly a decade of use. The news outlet — which brands itself as “radical working-class media” — says “Lloyds has not explained why it has taken this action… despite multiple communications from us”.
In a statement on Tuesday, the Canary speculated about the possible reasons behind Lloyds’ decision, including its anti-Zionist and pro-Palestine stance:
Whilst we do not currently know the reasons behind our debanking, we cannot afford to be naive about this.
We do know that multiple other politically engaged people have suffered similar actions by other banks in recent times. It is not lost on us that powerful banks are able to restrict the financial activity of anti-Zionist and pro-Palestine organisations and individuals.
It is an outrage that the Canary has been unceremoniously dropped into financial instability with no notice or explanation from Lloyds.
Starmer’s Last Attack
It would hardly come as a surprise the attack was in response to The Canary’s pro-Palestine sympathies. The UK government has done everything within its not inconsiderable powers to criminalise pro-Palestine, anti-genocide activism, including by scrapping the ancient right to trial by jury. Through its new National Security Law, the outgoing Keir Starmer government seeks to bulldoze literal thought crime legislation into law — in Orwell’s native United Kingdom.
I need to explain something very important to you.
The law that the govt used to arrest me, Section 12(1A) — the first ever use against a journalist — is a very short line. It is vague on purpose. And that is the exact line they have copied into the new "National Security Bill"
You can say something that is 100% factual, but if it paints what they deem a "proscribed organization" — even one that has never harmed the UK — in a "good" light, you can get 14 years in prison. (That's also copied from the Terrorism Act).
An article in The Canary explains just how dire a threat the new National Security Law poses to journalism and political dissent, describing it as “one last power grab” by Keir Starmer’s outgoing government:
As I am sat here writing this, there’s a sense of terror kicking in. I’m a journalist. It’s my job to be in the know about foreign affairs. At the Canary we pride ourselves on bringing people the news that the mainstream doesn’t dare. But this terror is absolutely nothing compared to what other people must be feeling.
This radicalised weaponisation of new legislation will hit marginalised communities so first and hardest. Journalists and community workers with direct, lived and painful connections to global conflict zones are facing a massive legal trap. If a reporter so much as quotes an entity that the home secretary has designated as a threat, they face immediate prosecution.
Civil liberties groups warn that the law will grant the Home Office absolute power to decide who is allowed to speak. And by leaving the definition of ‘assisting a designated body’ vague, the state has created a total monopoly on the narrative. It’s very much going to be, follow their way and toe the line, or go to jail, it seems.
Indie media outlet Zeteo warned of the severe danger of this new power-grab. The outlet warned that journalists face immediate arrest simply for conducting public interest interviews with banned groups. People will only get one side of the story. There will only be one narrative fed to us… and it will be the government’s.
The timing of Lloyds Bank’s debanking of The Canary is also curious, coming just two months after it announced the launch of a daily left-wing print tabloid — and what’s more, one that defends Palestinian rights. Following an injection of cash last year from used car and property website founder Cecil Hetherington, Canary director Steve Topple hailed the new tabloid as an alternative to the corporate press.
After its debanking, the Canary says it is now in a “financially precarious situation” and does not know when “money that Lloyds is holding will be returned” or how it will affect “our ability to get another bank account in the future”.
“The immediate effect has been that we have been unable to pay any staff or contractors,” Topple told Novara Media. “We have a large team, and all of them are now extremely distressed and in limbo. Many of them are marginalised people and it has hit them very hard. We are trying our best to mitigate the situation and have so far received much-appreciated support from members of the public.”
Lloyds’ actions have already triggered a storm of protests from across the political spectrum.
Debanking is one of the most pernicious forms of cancellation that an individual or organisation can face — something the FSU is only too familiar with.
Lloyds has provided no explanation for its decision and has not told The Canary when… https://t.co/Y2YKbFC1wu
— The Free Speech Union (@SpeechUnion) June 30, 2026
A Growing Phenomenon
The first major target of debanking in the UK, well over a decade ago, were members of the British Muslim community, particularly those involved in Pro-Palestinian activism. But unlike with Farage, their plight was met with total radio silence in the mainstream media, as the veteran journalist Peter Oborne recounts in the video below.
By the time Farage had lost access to Coutts’ banking services, in the summer of 2023, banks in the UK were closing nearly one thousand accounts daily, with just over 343,000 closed in 2022, compared to about 45,000 in 2017.
Following the Farage affair, the Financial Conduct Authority conducted an investigation into banks’ debanking practices, the conclusion of which was that banks had not been closing customers’ accounts for political reasons. Farage described the outcome as “farcical”.
In the US, recent victims of debanking include Scott Ritter, the former United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) weapons inspector who is a prominent critic of US and Western imperialism. In January, his bank of 26 years, Citizens’ Bank, closed all of his accounts, including his and his wife’s joint accounts with their daughters, without offering an explanation, as he recounts in the first minutes of the following interview with Judge Napolitano:
In a letter to Ritter Citizens Bank apparently that not only was it under no obligation to divulge the reasons for closing his accounts but that Citizens’ policy actively prevents any disclosure of any information concerning the decision to close the account. As Cato Institute notes, this silent treatment often has to do with confidentiality laws:
However, these are not laws meant to protect the financial privacy of customers. Rather, this confidentiality is to prevent citizens from finding out they are under criminal investigation. For example, reports filed under the Bank Secrecy Act are restricted so heavily that banks cannot share the details of the reports or even admit that a report exists.
While Ritter does not know the exact reasons for his debanking, he suspects that someone in the FBI, fully armed with the “totality of [his] banking transactions”, had “tipped off” Citizens Bank about “suspicious activity” that resulted in Citizens Bank issuing an SAR [Suspicious Activity Report].”
Ritter believes that donations he had received and subsequent cash withdrawals before his three trips to Russia in 2025, which thanks to US and EU sanctions is disconnected from the Western economy, may have triggered the move. According to Ritter, the “purpose of “de-banking” is to harass a targeted individual,” even in the absence of evidence pointing to any criminal activity.”
The reasons for an account closure, while often a mystery to the customers affected, often include operational reasons. Put simply, a financial institution chooses to close the account of a customer because the reputational risks of being associated with that client are simply too high. However, political or ideological motivations appear to play a part in some prominent cases.
The most clear-cut example of this was the Canadian government’s decision, in February 2022, to invoke the emergencies act to compel banks to seize the accounts of the freedom convoy protesters who had blocked several key border crossings. According to the minutes of a meeting between Canada’s Economy Minister, Vice President and WEF board member Chrystia Freeland and senior bank executives the day before the act was invoked, one CEO flagged concerns that if banks were forced to close accounts, it could be seen as the sector “being used as an arm of the government” or even “a political weapon.”
In 2022, Paypal banned the accounts of the UK-based Free Speech Union, its founder Toby Young and his online publication, the Daily Sceptic, for purportedly breaching its policies against hate speech. Worse still, the fintech giant surreptitiously slipped a line into its terms of service granting itself the right to fine customers $2,500 for spreading misinformation. When the news got out, provoking a huge public backlash, PayPal claimed it had all been a big mistake.
Of course, as NC readers EssCetera and Rev Kev pointed out in comments to a previous post, Paypal has a long, storied history of doing this sort of thing, going all the way back to its freezing of Wikileaks’ account in 2010. And banks in the US have been closing down the accounts of workers in the porn industry since at least 2014 as part of “Operation Chokepoint”, which targeted certain undesirable but legal business sectors (h/t Michaelmas).
From “Debanking” to “Civil Death”
If there’s one fate worse than being debanked, it is suffering through the ordeal of “civil death”. Francesca Albanese, the UN Special Rapporteur for the Palestinian occupied territories, became subject to US sanctions roughly a year ago that cut her and her family off not only from US banking but also travel and tech.
In Albanese’s case, it was clear to her why she was being put under constraints normally reserved for narco-barons and terrorists: she had just published a UN report denouncing the more than 60 (largely Western) multinational corporations that are allegedly complicit in, and profiting from, Israel’s military occupation of Gaza.
“This fury [came] because I poked the bear,” she said. “Not in one eye, in both eyes.”
👉 “The moment I pointed to the fact that there are businesses who are profiting from it, yes, I get sanctioned.”
The first UN expert in 80 years to be sanctioned by the U.S. explains why she now faces a U.S. travel ban, frozen accounts, no ability to bank anywhere, cancelled… https://t.co/ia3WLhmyV7
In the clip below, Albanese explains (in French), as she fights back tears, the extent to which she has been barred from participating in basic civil life since the imposition of US sanctions against her:
“I can’t make payments with my working credit card nor can I do transfers; my health insurance has been cancelled, I can’t make hotel reservations… I’m being treated as if I were Pablo Escobar. “
UN official Albanese described financial and insurance restrictions imposed on her following her public statement characterizing Israeli actions as genocide.
"I can't make payments with my working credit card nor can I do transfers; my health insurance has been canceled, I can't… pic.twitter.com/zAH7paGjxm
Other victims of civil death, this time at the hands of EU authorities, include the German journalist Hüseyin Doğru and Jacques Baud, a retired Swiss colonel and former senior strategic analyst for NATO. In both cases, the justifications were openly ideological. Baud was accused of of acting as a “mouthpiece” for pro-Russian propaganda and disseminating “conspiracy theories” about the war in Ukraine while Doğru was targeted due to his reporting on Gaza.
In the case of Doğru, both his wife and mother were also targeted with sanctions (h/t vao). In neither case were criminal charges imposed, and because the sanctions are defined as an administrative measure within the EU’s bureaucracy, neither Baud nor Doğru can appeal to a court of law in their respective countries of residence (Belgium and Germany). This is the very definition of Kafkaesque.
Worse still, these sorts of processes could soon be automated almost across the board, as I warned in my 2022 book Scanned:
Combining [central bank] digital currencies with digital IDs while phasing out, or even banning, the use of cash would grant governments and central banks the ability not only to track every purchase we make (and made in the past) but also to determine what we can and cannot spend our money on. They could also prevent certain “undesirable” people from buying anything. Anyone with a blocking notice attached to their digital identity would “thus be unable to do many of the most basic things independently,” says [German financial journalist Norbert] Häring.
Incidentally, the digital euro has already become a de facto legal reality, after the European Parliament (EP)’s economic and monetary affairs committee gave a green light to the eurozone central bank digital currency (CBDC) last week. Presumably, even many members of our highly informed readership will have been unaware of this fact since it all occurred against a backdrop of near-total media silence.
Recommended After: Completing Monetary Policy Lessons 1–6 and watching How Our Monetary System Works
Purpose: Explore the historical development of the Federal Reserve System, its origins, and its influence on modern banking and monetary policy.
This documentary expands upon the concepts introduced throughout the Monetary Policy section by examining the history surrounding the creation of the Federal Reserve. It explores the events leading up to its establishment, the evolution of central banking in the United States, and the broader economic consequences attributed to the modern monetary system.
As with any historical documentary, viewers are encouraged to critically evaluate the evidence presented, compare it with other historical sources, and participate in thoughtful discussion.
📚 Concepts Reinforced
Federal ReserveCentral BankingMoney CreationDebt-Based CurrencyInflationMonetary HistoryBanking CartelsFinancial CrisesSound Money
🔍 Key Questions to Consider
As you watch, consider how historical events influenced the development of today's monetary system and compare the documentary's claims with the lessons you've completed.
What economic conditions led to the creation of the Federal Reserve?
How does the documentary explain the relationship between banks, government, and money creation?
What role do financial crises play in expanding central banking authority?
How does this documentary connect to the concepts introduced in Lesson 6: The Federal Reserve?
Which historical claims would you like to research further?
Do you believe central banking has primarily increased stability, or introduced new risks? Why?
How might understanding the history of the Federal Reserve change the way you interpret current monetary policy?
DOCUMENTARY STUDY COMPANION
▶ Watch by Chapter
Explore the documentary by topic. First activate the Rumble video player to respect ForumSpark's privacy controls, then select a chapter to start near that point.
Timing note: Chapter starts are based on the original film's timed YouTube transcript. The Rumble version appears to be the same documentary, but these positions have not been independently checked for any upload offset. If a chapter lands slightly early or late, adjust its data-start in both chapter lists.
After activating the Rumble player, choosing a chapter reloads it in place. The mobile selector closes after a choice. The global V6 JavaScript and existing companion CSS are reused.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT
◷ Then & Now
James Corbett's documentary was released in 2014. These short notes provide context and help separate documented history from disputed interpretations.
What changed in banking since the film's release? +
The film discusses fractional-reserve banking and lending. Commercial bank lending can create new deposits, but reserve requirements are not a fixed mechanical ceiling on every new loan. The Federal Reserve reduced U.S. reserve-requirement ratios to 0% in March 2020; bank capital, liquidity, funding and credit risk still constrain lending. Review the reserve requirement change.
CONTINUE LEARNING
📖 Related Academy Lessons
Compare the documentary's historical arguments with MLMF's explanations of modern monetary operations and financial history.
Every documentary in the Academy is intended to encourage investigation rather than passive viewing. Share your observations, ask questions, and respectfully discuss the ideas presented.
What was the most surprising historical fact presented?
Did the documentary change your understanding of the Federal Reserve's origins?
Which claims seemed well-supported? Which would you like to investigate further?
How does this documentary build upon what you learned in the Monetary Policy lessons?
Would you recommend this documentary to someone studying monetary history? Why or why not?
Having explored how modern currency is created and how
those closest to its creation are the beneficiaries, we now
examine the institution at the center of American
monetary policy: the Federal Reserve. Occupying a
unique position within the financial system, its
structure, powers, and influence over money and credit
are essential to understanding how the modern monetary
system operates. Although our focus is American, the
same fundamental framework of central banking, fiat
currency, and commercial-bank credit creation operates
across much of the world.
Federal Reserve • Inflation • Bailouts • Monetary Policy
01
STRUCTURE
A Banking Cartel or Public Servant?
The Federal Reserve System is nothing more or less than a
banking cartel.
When the Chairman of the Federal Reserve appears before
congressional committees to explain monetary policy—whether
raising interest rates to combat inflation or lowering them
to stimulate the economy—the stated rationale is always the
same:
THE STATED RATIONALE
"It's in the best interest of America... for you folks."
In truth, a cartel exists for one purpose only: to advance
the interests of its members. The public is not the
beneficiary.
Once you understand this fundamental reality, much of recent
economic history and the trajectory ahead suddenly comes into
sharp focus.
FROM THE READING ROOM
A Perspective from G. Edward Griffin
“Far from being a protector of the public, it is a cartel operating against the public interest.”
— G. Edward Griffin · Chapter 3, Protectors of the Public
Griffin argues that central-bank support for financial institutions can protect powerful banking interests at public expense. His account invites readers to examine the Federal Reserve's historical decisions, compare competing explanations, and distinguish the institution's documented functions from his interpretation of whom they primarily benefit.
The Creature from Jekyll IslandEssential Reading · G. Edward Griffin (1994)
KEY CONCEPT
Critics argue that the Federal Reserve primarily serves the
interests of the banking system rather than acting solely in
the interests of the general public.
02
MONEY CREATION
The Mechanics of Money Creation
The Federal Reserve creates money out of nothing.
In one recent week alone, it generated trillions of
dollars—money that did not exist before and came from
nowhere.
Where does it go?
Primarily to banks, either directly to strengthen their
balance sheets or indirectly to entities that owe the banks
money, ensuring continued interest payments.
This is not about stimulating the broader economy, creating
jobs, or helping homeowners.
It is about preventing the member banks from failing.
Banks can make enormous risky loans to corporations or
foreign governments that have little chance of repayment.
When those loans sour, the banks turn to their partners in
Congress, warning that failure would collapse the economy,
lead to mass unemployment, or invite foreign threats.
The result?
More money created out of thin air to bail them out—all
justified as being "for the people."
THE CRITICS' DESCRIPTION
Monetary Intervention During Financial Losses
LARGE LOSSES
→
FINANCIAL INSTABILITY
→
FEDERAL RESERVE INTERVENTION
→
BANK SUPPORT
?
THINK ABOUT THIS
If new money can be created whenever major financial
institutions face significant losses, who ultimately bears
the cost?
03
MONETARY HISTORY
Timeline of the Modern Monetary System
The Federal Reserve and the modern monetary system did not
emerge overnight. The following milestones illustrate how the
United States gradually moved away from commodity-backed money
toward today's fiat monetary system.
1913
Federal Reserve Act
Congress establishes the Federal Reserve System,
creating the nation's central banking structure.
1933
Gold Confiscation
Americans are prohibited from owning most monetary
gold as the government centralizes gold reserves.
1944
Bretton Woods
The U.S. dollar becomes the world's reserve currency,
backed internationally by gold.
1971
Nixon Closes the Gold Window
The final convertibility of dollars into gold ends,
completing the transition to a fully fiat monetary
system.
2008
Financial Crisis
Extraordinary monetary interventions and bank
bailouts dramatically expand the Federal Reserve's
role.
2020
Historic Money Creation
The Federal Reserve undertakes one of the largest
monetary expansions in modern history.
04
CRITIQUE
A Legalized Fraud
The system is built on an accounting sleight of hand that
becomes obvious once stripped of banker jargon.
Private banks create money from nothing, lend it to
governments, corporations, and individuals, and then collect
interest on it.
Imagine the audacity: profiting from funds that never existed
until the moment they were typed into existence.
This arrangement was formalized in 1913 with the Federal
Reserve Act.
What began as a cartel agreement among competing banks on
Jekyll Island was rebranded as official law.
Congress provided the government seal of approval and the
enforcement power of the state.
Suddenly, a private banking cartel's rules became binding on
the entire nation, backed by the threat of imprisonment for
those who defy them.
Many Americans mistakenly believe the Federal Reserve is a
government agency because only governments can enforce such
rules—but in this case, the government has been co-opted as
a partner.
KEY CONCEPT
Critics argue that the Federal Reserve's legal authority
gives private banking institutions extraordinary privileges
unavailable in a competitive free market.
05
PURCHASING POWER
Inflation: The Hidden Tax
The flood of new money into the economy produces inflation.
When the supply of money grows faster than the supply of
goods and services, prices rise—not because goods are
becoming more expensive, but because the dollar is losing
value.
This is a hidden tax, perhaps the most effective one ever
devised, because most people do not recognize it as taxation.
Since the Fed's creation in 1913, the U.S. dollar has lost
approximately 97% of its purchasing power.
That wealth has been transferred to the government and its
banking partners.
If Americans had been forced to pay this amount through
direct, visible taxes, revolution would have erupted long
ago.
Instead, the slow erosion of purchasing power is tolerated
because it is gradual and poorly understood.
THE HIDDEN TAX ARGUMENT
Purchasing Power Erodes Gradually
MONEY EXPANSION
→
RISING PRICES
→
LOWER PURCHASING POWER
?
THINK ABOUT THIS
If inflation quietly reduces purchasing power every year,
how is it different from a tax that is openly collected?
06
FINANCIAL CRISES
A History of Bailouts
This system includes a built-in "golden parachute" for
failing banks: the ability to pass inevitable losses onto
taxpayers under the guise of saving the economy.
Bailouts are not new.
They began in earnest decades ago—Penn Central Railroad
(1970), Lockheed (1970), New York City (1975), Continental
Illinois (1982), and countless others, including loans to
third-world nations.
By 2008–2009, the process accelerated dramatically, with
hundreds of billions and then trillions created in short
order.
These are not rescue packages or economic stimulus.
They are, according to critics of the system, a mechanism for
transferring financial losses to the public while preserving
the institutions responsible for those losses.
BAILOUT MECHANISM
Who Absorbs the Loss?
PRIVATE RISK
→
MAJOR LOSSES
→
PUBLIC INTERVENTION
→
INSTITUTION PRESERVED
07
REVIEW
Lesson Summary
01
1913
The Federal Reserve was established in 1913.
02
Banking Cartel
Critics argue it functions as a banking cartel with legal
privileges.
03
Money Supply
The Federal Reserve can expand the money supply through
monetary operations.
04
Inflation
Inflation reduces the purchasing power of currency over
time.
05
Bailouts
Bailouts transfer financial losses from major institutions
to society as a whole.
06
Monetary Policy
Understanding the Federal Reserve helps explain modern
monetary policy and the incentives behind it.
❦
LESSON TAKEAWAY
Understand the Institution Behind Monetary Policy
The Federal Reserve occupies a unique position within the
American financial system. Supporters describe it as an
institution that promotes economic stability, while critics
argue it primarily serves the interests of the banking
industry.
?
REFLECT & DISCUSS
Who Benefits From the Current System?
Every monetary system creates incentives. Consider who gains
the greatest advantages from today's system and whether those
incentives align with long-term economic prosperity.
DISCUSSION QUESTION
If the ability to create money is one of the greatest powers
in an economy, should any one be able to possess that power?
Throughout the Monetary Foundations section, we've explored
what money is, how currency differs from money, how new money
is created, why sound money matters, and the role of the
Federal Reserve in today's financial system.
Now it's time to shift our attention from the central bank to
the institutions most people interact with every day.
In the next section, we'll explore commercial
banking—how banks actually operate, what deposits
really are, how loans create new currency, and why banks are
fundamentally different from what most people believe.
Having explored the distinction between money
and currency, we now ask: What makes money sound?
Throughout history, societies have sought money
that preserves value, protects savings, and limits
manipulation by governments and financial institutions.
This lesson examines the principles of sound money
and the closely related concept of honest money.
Sound Money • Honest Money • Inflation • Fiat Currency
01
DEFINITION
What Is Sound Money?
Have you heard someone refer to "sound money?" If so, do you
know what it is and what differentiates it from the currency
we use today?
Sound money is money that is not prone to sudden appreciation
or depreciation in purchasing power over the long term, aided
by self-correcting mechanisms inherent in a free-market
system.
Simply put, sound money is a monetary system that preserves
purchasing power over time and prevents governments from
manipulating currency for political convenience.
THE SOUND MONEY IDEAL
Preserve Purchasing Power Through Time
STABILITY
→
PREDICTABILITY
→
PURCHASING POWER
KEY CONCEPT
Sound money seeks stability, predictability, and protection
against the erosion of purchasing power.
02
ECONOMIC THOUGHT
Why Economists Valued Sound Money
Classical liberal economists have long warned that unstable
currency undermines both economic prosperity and individual
liberty.
Inflation operates as a hidden tax that quietly erodes the
value of wages, savings, and retirement accounts without a
single vote being cast.
From this perspective, preserving the purchasing power of
money is not merely an economic concern—it is a safeguard for
personal freedom and long-term planning.
WAGES
SAVINGS
RETIREMENT
LONG-TERM PLANS
PURCHASING POWER
The real economic value money can command
SOUND MONEY PRINCIPLE
Preserve Value Through Time
03
POLICY
Modern Monetary Management
Central banks across the world manipulate money ostensibly to
grow, stabilize, or otherwise achieve desired economic goals.
Critics argue that large swings in purchasing power, such as
those experienced under modern fiat systems, often result from
the same monetary interventions intended to solve economic
instability.
A commonly cited consequence of central bank control is the
disconnect between the money supply and the demand for money.
Economic downturns can emerge when changes in demand for money
are not matched by corresponding adjustments in supply.
MONETARY MANAGEMENT
Supply, Demand & Purchasing Power
MONEY SUPPLY
↔
MONEY DEMAND
→
PURCHASING POWER
?
THINK ABOUT THIS
Should the value of money be determined by markets or by
policymakers?
04
UNITED STATES
The Modern U.S. Monetary System
In the United States, advocates of sound money argue that the
current monetary system is fundamentally incompatible with
sound money principles.
Money and its supply are largely managed by unelected
institutions operating within a government-backed banking
system.
The currency itself is debt-based and expands primarily
through lending and credit creation.
MODERN MONETARY STRUCTURE
Credit Expansion
BANKING SYSTEM
→
LENDING
→
CREDIT CREATION
→
CURRENCY EXPANSION
05
MONETARY HISTORY
The End of the Gold Standard
Gold served as a cornerstone of the United States monetary
system for much of the nation's history.
In 1971, the United States severed its final link to gold.
Since then, monetary policy has operated under a fiat
currency system.
Modern currency derives its value not from redemption into a
commodity, but from legal tender laws and public confidence in
its continued acceptance.
For a deeper explanation of modern monetary policy, see our
recommended video resource.
MONETARY TRANSITION
HISTORICAL SYSTEM
Currency linked to gold
→
MODERN SYSTEM
Fiat currency
FROM THE READING ROOM
A Perspective from James Dines
“...any prosperity built on paper money has usually been fun for a while, but has always ended in catastrophe.”
— James Dines · The Invisible Crash (1975)
Writing shortly after the dollar's final link to gold ended, Dines warned that apparent prosperity could conceal longer-term monetary weakness. His argument encourages readers to distinguish rising nominal values from lasting purchasing power—and to assess such predictions against historical evidence.
The Invisible CrashEssential Reading · James Dines (1975)
At its core, honest money is money that cannot be created
without sacrifice, effort, or the expenditure of real
resources.
Just as individuals must dedicate their time, labor, skills,
and productivity to earn money, honest money itself should
require a comparable investment of work to bring into
existence.
THE HONEST MONEY PRINCIPLE
Real Effort Behind Monetary Creation
LABOR
+
CAPITAL
+
ENERGY
+
TIME
→
MONEY
HONEST MONEY PRINCIPLE
Money should represent something real, require something real
to create, and preserve the fruits of honest work over time.
07
REAL RESOURCES
Why Honest Money Matters
Throughout history, gold and silver possessed value not only
because people desired them, but because they were costly to
obtain.
Discovering deposits, extracting ore, refining metals, and
minting coins required labor, capital, energy, and time.
The difficulty of creating new units helped preserve the value
of those already in circulation.
Supporters of honest money argue that a monetary system
remains fair only when the creation of new money is
constrained by real-world costs and limitations.
Under this view, no institution or privileged group should be
able to create purchasing power from nothing while others must
work to acquire it.
DISCOVERY
EXTRACTION
REFINING
MINTING
REAL-WORLD COSTS
Labor • Capital • Energy • Time
MONETARY CONSTRAINT
New Units Require Real Resources
08
VALUE & LABOR
Money as Stored Labor
The principle behind honest money is rooted in economic
reciprocity.
If a worker spends hours building a product, a farmer spends
months growing a crop, or an entrepreneur spends years
developing a business, the money they receive should
represent a claim on real value created elsewhere in the
economy.
In this sense, money becomes a store of human labor,
production, and time.
STORED ECONOMIC VALUE
Money as a Claim on Production
HUMAN LABOR
→
PRODUCTION
→
MONEY
→
FUTURE CLAIM ON VALUE
09
REVIEW
Lesson Summary
01
Sound Money
Sound money seeks long-term purchasing power stability.
02
Inflation
Inflation reduces the value of savings and wages over time.
03
Fiat Currency
Modern fiat currencies rely on monetary management and public confidence.
04
Honest Money
Honest money requires real-world effort and resources to create.
05
Wealth & Liberty
Advocates argue that sound money protects both wealth and liberty.
❦
LESSON TAKEAWAY
Sound Money Seeks to Preserve What People Earn
Sound money seeks stability, predictability, and protection
against the erosion of purchasing power, while honest money
emphasizes monetary creation constrained by sacrifice,
effort, and real resources.
?
REFLECT & DISCUSS
Every Great Discovery Begins With a Question
Monetary literacy isn't about memorizing facts—it's about asking
better questions. Before moving on, take a moment to reflect on
what you've learned and consider the question below.
DISCUSSION QUESTION
If money represents the fruits of human labor, should anyone
possess the power to create it without first producing something
of equal value?
There isn't much value in simply accepting someone else's
conclusions. Think critically, examine the evidence, and compare
different viewpoints.
Throughout history, societies have debated not only what money
should be, but what role it should play in preserving liberty,
limiting government power, and protecting the wealth created by
honest work.
Advocates of sound money argue that monetary systems influence
far more than prices—they shape incentives, distribute economic
power, and ultimately affect the relationship between citizens
and the state.
In the next lesson, we'll explore why many economists,
philosophers, and statesmen have argued that
sound money is one of the essential foundations of a free
society.
From 1926 through 2025, just 27.6% of stocks beat the broader market. Nearly 60% actually destroyed shareholder wealth, and the median stock delivered a lifetime return of -6.9%. Yet despite those sobering odds, U.S. stocks collectively created roughly $91 trillion in wealth over the last century, with just 46 companies responsible for half of it.
Those are some of the headline findings from a new study by Hendrik Bessembinder of Arizona State University's W.P. Carey School of Business, who examined the performance of nearly 30,000 U.S. stocks over the last century. The research paints a striking picture of how wealth is actually created in the stock market: while broad market indexes have generated exceptional long-term returns, the vast majority of individual stocks have failed to keep pace.
Bessembinder analyzed 29,754 publicly traded U.S. stocks between 1926 and 2025. Over that period, the overall stock market produced an annualized return of about 10.1%, turning every dollar invested into more than $15,000, according to the study, detailed in this white paper.
But those impressive aggregate returns mask an uncomfortable reality. The typical stock fared far worse. In fact, the median stock lost 6.9% over its lifetime, fewer than half of all stocks generated a positive lifetime return, only about 41% outperformed Treasury bills during the time they were publicly traded, and just 27.6% managed to outperform the market itself.
The reason is simple: stock market returns are incredibly uneven. While any stock can fall to zero, there is effectively no limit to how much a winner can rise. Over long periods, a tiny number of extraordinary companies generate gains so large that they more than offset the thousands of stocks that stagnate, disappoint, or disappear altogether. Those rare winners account for an outsized share of the market's overall success.
Perhaps the most surprising finding is that this concentration has become even more extreme. In Bessembinder's original research covering 1926 through 2016, 89 companies accounted for half of all shareholder wealth created by the U.S. stock market. After adding the last nine years of data, total wealth creation more than doubled to roughly $91 trillion, yet the number of companies responsible for half of it fell to just 46.
And yet stocks are heralded as a safe way to invest.
Good morning everyone, and welcome to the weekend Join the Dots.
Last weekend I found that magnificent interview with Toby Costa. It was pure information, which is exactly what this channel is about. This channel is not about giving financial advice. It is about providing information so that you can make better-informed decisions for yourself.
This week I found another two excellent interviews featuring Dr. Nomi Prins at the Rick Rule Symposium held in Florida. Today we're going to begin with one of the key themes from those discussions by looking at silver.
Silver Shortages in India Push Premiums Higher
Let's begin with the first article.
India's restrictions on silver imports have created shortages. Naturally, when the government limits imports while demand remains strong, shortages develop and premiums rise because people still want silver regardless of government policy.
During 2025, India imported approximately 138 million ounces of silver, representing roughly 15% of the world's annual silver supply.
When restrictions are placed on imports, the result is predictable. Demand remains while supply becomes more limited, causing prices to increase.
Currently, silver is selling at roughly an 11% premium in Mumbai, equivalent to about $6.50 above the paper spot price.
This closely mirrors what is happening in Shanghai, where silver is trading at approximately an 11.5% premium, around $6.70 above the current spot price.
This means the world's two largest silver-consuming nations—countries whose populations have a deep cultural appreciation for both silver and gold—are both paying premiums of roughly 11% over the quoted paper market price.
To many observers, this serves as further evidence that the paper market is not accurately reflecting physical demand.
Evidence is what matters.
Evidence.
Truth.
From that evidence we can draw logical conclusions, separating reality from suppressed truths to better understand what is actually happening.
Australia's Housing Slowdown and the Second Derivative Effect
The second article is particularly relevant for viewers in Australia.
It examines what could be called the second derivative of a housing market slowdown.
Rather than focusing directly on falling home prices, it looks at what happens to businesses that depend on an active property market.
The article, published by the Financial Review rather than a personal blog, is titled:
"How a Frozen Property Market Is Putting a Chill on Freezer Sales."
The concept is straightforward.
When housing activity slows, sales of household appliances decline.
People typically purchase new refrigerators, freezers, washing machines, and other large appliances when they move into a new home.
Likewise, homeowners often upgrade household goods when rising property values make them feel wealthier. Increased home equity encourages additional spending because people believe they have more financial flexibility.
As the housing market freezes, those purchases disappear.
This is why retailers that sell household appliances begin experiencing declining sales.
The impact doesn't stop there.
Furniture retailers suffer.
Automobile sales weaken.
Curtain and furnishing companies see reduced demand.
Many sectors tied to home purchases begin to struggle simultaneously.
Eventually these effects spread throughout the retail economy, creating recessionary pressures that originate from a slowing housing market rather than from consumer demand alone.
A Major Buyer Continues Accumulating Gold
The third item comes from Andy Schectman, speaking with Kai Hoffmann during the Rick Rule Symposium.
The central message is simple.
There appears to be a very large buyer—a true "whale"—steadily purchasing enormous quantities of physical gold and taking delivery.
Many speculate that this buyer is China, although the identity cannot be confirmed with certainty.
Regardless of who it is, the important observation is that large amounts of physical gold continue leaving the market and moving into long-term ownership.
Andy Schectman presents extensive supporting data for this conclusion.
Although much of this information has been discussed before, it reinforces the growing evidence that significant physical accumulation continues behind the scenes.
The Real Asset Lockout Has Begun
The primary discussion of the day centers on Dr. Nomi Prins.
What makes Dr. Prins particularly interesting is her background.
She previously worked at a senior level on Wall Street.
That experience allows her to understand not only how financial markets function but also how major financial institutions think and why they position themselves the way they do.
Understanding Wall Street's perspective helps explain many of the changes now taking place throughout the global financial system.
According to Dr. Prins, real assets will increasingly be required to support real money.
While technology companies continue attracting headlines and excitement, Wall Street banks are quietly expanding something else:
Their precious metals divisions.
Banks are hiring additional personnel and expanding their metals desks because they are preparing for future developments rather than reacting after the fact.
Banks don't wait until changes appear on newspaper front pages.
They anticipate them.
They study demand.
They observe where capital is moving.
Earlier we looked at India's growing silver premiums.
We also examined the strong premiums developing in China.
Another important statistic reinforces this trend.
In March alone, after silver prices declined, China imported approximately 836 metric tons of silver, nearly 30 million ounces.
That single month's imports represented roughly 3% of total annual global silver production.
China continues acquiring significant quantities of both silver and gold.
Dr. Prins summarizes the situation well:
"Tech is still buzzing, but at the same time the metal desks are hiring."
That contrast is significant.
It suggests that while public attention remains focused on technology, major financial institutions are quietly preparing for an environment where precious metals play a much larger role.
One notable example illustrates this shift.
JPMorgan reportedly relocated its entire precious metals desk from New York to Singapore, giving employees only one week's notice.
Such an abrupt relocation demonstrates how strategically important the metals business has become.
It was not an ordinary corporate move.
It reflected the importance of positioning the bank correctly for what it believes lies ahead.
Gold as a Monetary Anchor
Dr. Nomi Prins argues that gold is likely to continue moving higher over the long term because the forces driving demand are structural rather than temporary.
She notes that while short-term price fluctuations attract attention, the more important trend is the growing demand for gold as a strategic reserve asset.
According to Dr. Prins:
"Gold is going to get higher than these levels. We were looking at 5,500 in January. Our prediction at Prinsights was for 6,000 by the end of the year, and we still stand by that."
She explains that the reason extends far beyond simple investment demand.
The structural demand for gold is increasing because countries are looking for ways to diversify away from dependence on the U.S. dollar—not only as a currency, but also as a source of strategic power.
Gold increasingly serves as collateral that can support international trade agreements.
Those agreements may involve energy shipments, industrial equipment, transportation, or countless other forms of commerce.
Even when gold itself is not the item being traded, possessing substantial gold reserves strengthens a nation's financial position.
Dr. Prins believes central banks, particularly China, are unlikely to reverse the changes they have already made.
China reduced its holdings of U.S. Treasury securities from approximately $1.3 trillion to roughly $620 billion.
She argues that it is unrealistic to believe China will suddenly purchase hundreds of billions of dollars' worth of Treasuries again.
The global balance of economic power has changed.
Rather than focusing on daily price volatility, Dr. Prins believes investors should recognize that the world is entering a much larger hard-asset, commodity-based supercycle.
In her view:
"Gold is a monetary anchor for trade, for payment systems, and for central banks to diversify their own power."
The Growing Importance of Real Asset Collateral
Dr. Prins touches on several major themes that we've discussed for months.
One of the most important is the future role of collateral.
As Miles Harris frequently points out, the key question becomes:
What will serve as collateral in the future?
For decades, U.S. Treasury securities occupied that position.
They were widely viewed as the premier Tier One asset.
According to this discussion, that perception has weakened significantly in recent years.
Following the freezing of approximately $300 billion of Russian reserves, many countries began reassessing the security of holding large amounts of U.S. government debt.
Meanwhile, China has reduced its Treasury holdings by more than half while increasing its holdings of precious metals.
Exactly how much gold China owns remains uncertain because official reporting is limited.
Nevertheless, the broader trend appears clear.
Real assets are becoming increasingly important as collateral.
Dr. Prins also highlights the geopolitical dimension.
In today's changing international environment, gold and silver are no longer viewed solely as investment assets.
They are increasingly regarded as strategic financial resources within the broader competition between major global powers.
The Burden of Government Debt
Dr. Prins then turns to another issue: the enormous cost of servicing government debt.
She explains that whether people recognize it or not, everyone ultimately pays for government debt.
The United States now carries approximately $40 trillion in national debt.
The figure is so large that it becomes difficult to fully comprehend.
Yet the practical consequences are easier to understand.
Every year, before funding roads, hospitals, schools, energy infrastructure, or countless other public services, the federal government must first pay interest on that debt.
Dr. Prins compares this situation to an individual carrying large personal debts.
People often experience periods in life where they accumulate mortgages, student loans, or credit card balances.
Eventually they attempt to reduce those debts while continuing to save and invest for the future.
Governments, however, have followed a different path.
According to Dr. Prins, since the financial crisis the United States has continued moving in only one direction:
Higher debt.
As debt grows, interest payments consume an increasingly larger portion of government resources.
That leaves less money available for investments that directly benefit society.
Ultimately those costs work their way through the economy in the form of taxes, public spending decisions, and reduced financial flexibility.
Every taxpayer bears part of that burden.
Is There a Plan?
The sheer scale of debt servicing has reached extraordinary levels.
Approximately $1 trillion per year is now spent simply paying interest on U.S. government debt.
That occurs before spending on healthcare, education, defense, infrastructure, or other government priorities.
Dr. Prins questions how such a trajectory can continue indefinitely.
She also argues that there appears to be no comprehensive plan for reducing the debt burden.
The same concern extends beyond the United States.
Many developed countries—including Europe, the United Kingdom, Canada, and Australia—face similar challenges.
The fundamental question becomes:
Where is the long-term plan to reduce these growing debt obligations?
According to Dr. Prins, there isn't one.
There is no clear escape route.
If that assessment proves correct, it becomes easier to understand why many nations are seeking alternatives that include greater reliance on tangible assets.
What Has All That Debt Produced?
The discussion then shifts to a broader question.
If trillions of dollars have been borrowed, what has that borrowing actually created?
Looking across many American cities, educational institutions, and healthcare systems, the speaker argues that the visible results do not appear proportional to the scale of the debt accumulated.
By comparison, Japan is presented as an example of a country that used large amounts of debt differently.
Its borrowing helped finance industrial development, research, technological advancement, and manufacturing.
Many of the products that established Japan's global reputation—particularly its automobiles—were supported by decades of investment in research and development.
According to the speaker, China is following a similar strategy today by directing substantial resources toward industrial expansion and technological development.
The broader point is not simply the amount of debt a country holds.
Rather, it is how effectively that borrowed money is used.
The discussion concludes by previewing a future examination of China's property market and financial system.
The speaker notes that there are both strengths and weaknesses that deserve careful analysis.
Rather than approaching the subject from an ideological perspective, the goal is to examine the available evidence wherever it leads.
As he concludes:
"I'm not anti-China. I'm not anti-US. I'm anti-waste, I'm anti-lies, and I'm anti-censorship.
Before learning how to manage money, it helps to
understand the monetary system those decisions
take place within.
ACADEMYINTRODUCTION12 MINUTE READ
INTRO
02
FOUNDATIONS
ACADEMY LESSON
MONETARY FOUNDATIONS
LESSON GUIDE
Introduction 02
LESSON
INTRO
01
FIRST PRINCIPLE
Understand the System First
02
TWO PERSPECTIVES
Managing vs. Understanding
03
THE ENVIRONMENT
Financial Advice Can Change
04
BIGGER PICTURE
Symptoms vs. Causes
05
EXPAND THE VIEW
See the System
06
THE GOAL
Develop Independent Judgment
THE FOUNDATION BENEATH PERSONAL FINANCE
Before You Manage the Money,
Understand the System
Most people have been taught that financial literacy
is the key to building wealth: budget carefully,
save regularly, manage debt, invest consistently,
and live within your means.
These are valuable skills.
But they leave one important question unanswered:
THE FOUNDATIONAL QUESTION
What is the money you are trying to manage?
01
FIRST PRINCIPLE
Understanding the System Before Operating It
Imagine hiring a mechanic who has never studied
how an engine works.
They may know where to pour the oil, how to replace
a battery, and perhaps even how to get the vehicle
running again.
But without understanding the engine's design,
they are working from incomplete knowledge.
THE PRINCIPLE
Knowing what to do is not the same as
understanding how the system works.
The same principle applies throughout technical fields.
An HVAC technician learns refrigeration cycles before
troubleshooting an air conditioner. An electrician
studies electrical theory before wiring a home.
A physician studies anatomy before treating disease.
In each case, understanding the underlying system
comes before attempting to operate intelligently
within it.
Money should be approached the same way.
BUDGETING
INVESTING
CREDIT
RETIREMENT
FINANCIAL LITERACY
Operating within the system
MONETARY LITERACY
Understanding the System Itself
FOUNDATIONAL PRINCIPLE
Before learning how to manage money,
it helps to understand money, currency,
value, banking, and the monetary environment
in which financial decisions take place.
?
THINK ABOUT THIS
Would you trust someone to operate a complex
system if they had learned the techniques
but never studied the system itself?
Personal finance contains valuable techniques.
Monetary literacy provides the wider context.
02
TWO PERSPECTIVES
Managing a System You Don't Understand
Financial literacy primarily teaches people how to
operate within the existing monetary and financial system.
It asks practical questions.
01
Budgeting
How should I organize my income
and expenses?
02
Saving
How much should I set aside
for the future?
03
Credit
How should I manage debt and
maintain creditworthiness?
04
Investing
Where should savings be allocated
for long-term goals?
Monetary literacy asks a different set of questions.
LOOK BENEATH THE SURFACE
How does the monetary system work?
MONEY→BANKING→CREDIT→INFLATION→PURCHASING POWER
Monetary literacy asks what money is, how currency
is created, why interest rates change, what central
banks do, why purchasing power changes, and how
credit conditions influence markets and economic activity.
These questions examine the operating system
beneath personal finance.
KEY DISTINCTION
FINANCIAL LITERACY
How should I operate within the system?
VS
MONETARY LITERACY
What is the system and why does it behave this way?
↳
A SIMPLE WAY TO THINK ABOUT IT
Learning to Drive Without Understanding the Road
Imagine teaching someone to drive but never explaining
road signs, weather conditions, traffic laws, or how
the road itself can change.
They may know how to press the accelerator and brake.
They may know how to steer. They may even reach
their destination.
But they will have difficulty understanding why traffic
suddenly slows, why a detour appears, why conditions
become dangerous, or why a route that worked yesterday
may not be the best route today.
THE DRIVING ANALOGY
Your Finances Do Not Travel in Isolation
THE VEHICLE→YOUR PERSONAL FINANCES
THE ROAD→THE MONETARY ENVIRONMENT
THE DISTINCTION
Financial literacy teaches you how to drive.
Monetary literacy teaches you the road
you're driving on.
One helps you manage the vehicle.
The other helps you understand the environment
through which that vehicle must travel.
Both matter.
But understanding the road can change how you choose
to drive.
03
THE ENVIRONMENT
Financial Advice Can Change With the Environment
One reason monetary literacy matters is that financial
advice does not exist in a vacuum.
The usefulness and risk of a financial strategy can
change when monetary conditions change.
↓
Lower Interest Rates
Borrowing can become less expensive
and credit conditions may become easier.
↑
Higher Interest Rates
Borrowing becomes more expensive and
previous strategies may carry greater risk.
%
Purchasing Power
Holding the same number of currency units
does not guarantee the same future purchasing power.
↕
Credit Conditions
Expanding or contracting credit can influence
borrowing, investment, and asset prices.
RESEARCH OBSERVATION
Financial decisions do not occur in isolation.
Interest rates, credit conditions, inflation,
and changes in purchasing power influence
the environment in which those decisions are made.
This is why advice that appears reasonable in one
monetary environment may need to be reconsidered
when the environment changes.
04
BIGGER PICTURE
Treating Symptoms Instead of Causes
Financial problems are often discussed entirely
at the individual level.
Someone cannot afford a home. Retirement appears
increasingly difficult. College costs rise.
Healthcare consumes a larger portion of income.
The response is often some version of:
COMMON ADVICE
“Budget better. Work harder. Save more.”
Personal responsibility matters.
But monetary literacy encourages us to widen the
analysis and ask whether larger economic conditions
are also influencing the outcome.
Individuals can make responsible financial choices
while still operating within an environment affected
by changing currency values, credit conditions,
interest rates, and asset prices.
IMPORTANT DISTINCTION
Understanding wider monetary forces does not
eliminate personal responsibility. It simply
provides a more complete picture of the
environment individuals must navigate.
05
EXPAND THE VIEW
Seeing the System Instead of Only Your Wallet
Financial literacy naturally focuses inward.
$
Income
How much do I earn?
−
Spending
How much do I spend?
+
Saving
How much should I keep?
↑
Investing
Where should I allocate capital?
Monetary literacy expands the view outward.
EXPAND THE FRAME
What is happening around your finances?
MONEY CREATION→CREDIT→POLICY→PRICES→PURCHASING POWER
It asks how money enters the economy, how monetary
institutions operate, why business cycles occur,
how policy affects borrowing and markets, and why
purchasing power changes across generations.
The purpose is not to predict every economic event.
It is to understand enough of the underlying system
to interpret events more intelligently.
06
THE GOAL
From Following Advice to Understanding It
There is an important difference between memorizing
financial rules and understanding why those rules exist.
One person learns instructions.
Another learns principles.
TWO LEVELS OF KNOWLEDGE
FOLLOWING
“Tell me what I should do.”
→
UNDERSTANDING
“Help me understand why.”
Financial literacy often provides techniques:
how to budget, save, invest, insure against risk,
and prepare for retirement.
Monetary literacy adds another layer—the ability
to evaluate whether those techniques continue to make
sense when the surrounding monetary environment changes.
CORE CONCEPT
Financial literacy explains financial actions.
Monetary literacy explains the environment
in which those actions take place.
This is the difference between depending entirely
upon instructions and developing independent judgment.
TAXES
INSURANCE
INVESTING
RETIREMENT
FINANCIAL KNOWLEDGE
Techniques, tools and strategies
THE DEEPER FOUNDATION
Understanding the Nature of Money
A skyscraper is not built beginning with the twentieth
floor. The foundation comes first because everything
above it depends upon what lies beneath.
The same principle applies to financial education.
❦
LESSON TAKEAWAY
Understand the Money
Before You Try to Master It
Financial literacy is an essential life skill.
But budgeting, saving, investing, borrowing, and
planning all occur within a monetary system.
Understanding that system provides the foundation
for making those decisions with greater context.
FOUNDATION COMPLETE
Now We Can Begin With the System Itself
You have now established the distinction between
financial literacy and monetary literacy.
The next lesson begins examining the structure
of the modern monetary system and how its major
pieces fit together.
With a recession looming over the average American, the group to blame is pretty obvious, this group being the central bankers at the Federal Reserve, who inflate the supply of currency in the system, that currency being the dollar. This is what inflation is, the expansion of the money supply either through the printing press or adding zeros to a computer screen. It has gotten so bad that in the last twenty-two months, 80 percent of all US dollars in existence have been printed, from $4 trillion in January 2020, to $20 trillion in October 2021.
This is always how recessions start: the expansion of easy money, the creation of bubbles, and heightened prices caused by the devaluation of the currency supply. But recessions occurred long before the Fed’s establishment in 1913.
Were these market failures, as many are taught to believe, or were they still the fault of a central bank or government policy? How bad were pre-Fed recessions? Did they rival the Great Depression or 2008?
The Continental Dollar
During the days of the American Revolution, the Continental Congress convened to figure out how to finance the Revolution. In June 1775, Congress issued six million paper currency notes known as continental dollars in order to pay for the new army and the supplies needed to fight a war. Those who supported the Revolution would jump in line to support this new fiat currency, as it was the patriotic thing to do.
By 1780, the amount of continentals in circulation had reached 241 million, and the continental had done its damage. The patriots who bought into the fiat dollar suffered the most, while people like David Hall, who by order of Congress was permitted to print out fiat bills, and the Loyalists, who kept their gold and silver specie were able to stay financially afloat.
The continental was turned back en masse, as it now held no value. Those who trusted the continental over gold were left with nothing. Certain Founding Fathers, after witnessing people’s livelihoods ruined by fiat paper money, decided to make provisions to make sure this mistake would not happen again.
Article 1 Section 10 of the US Constitution states:
No state shall make any thing but gold and silver coin a Tender in Payment of Debts.
This section would be violated throughout US history, from the Civil War to 1933, when President Franklin Roosevelt confiscated US citizens’ gold and prevented them from exchanging the dollar into gold.
It’s clear what caused the failure of the continental: Congress and printing presses. This, however, would not be the last economic problem that would face America, the next major downturn came in 1819.
The Recession of 1819
After the War of 1812, state-chartered banks and the Second Bank of the United States (SBUS), which was established in 1816, expanded the money supply. Murray Rothbard’s book [i]The [/i][i]Panic of 1819 [/i]notes how these state banks expanded the amount of banknotes from $46 million to $68 million in 1815. The problem was that banks printed more paper notes than there was gold specie to back them.
In fact, from 1817 to 1818, the SBUS expanded credit by 57 percent, outdoing the credit expansion in 1815–17, when it expanded credit by 25 percent. This credit expansion caused prices to rise in certain areas of the economy, such as agriculture and shipbuilding. All of these markets received the biggest loans that were granted by SBUS branches and state banks.
Eighteen eighteen spelled trouble for both the state banks and the SBUS: the money supply fell by 10 percent and there was a credit contraction of 41 percent. Foreigners and other citizens started to trade in their banknotes for specie, and many state banks refused to convert paper to gold as their gold reserves ran dry, as did the SBUS reserves.
Thomas Jefferson, who warned against central banking, gave his thoughts in a letter to John Taylor in 1816. Jefferson states:
And I sincerely believe with you, that banking establishments are more dangerous than standing armies; & that the principle of spending money to be paid by posterity, under the name of funding, is but swindling futurity on a large scale.
His suspicion was confirmed when in 1819 a recession ignited by the inflationary policy and agriculture and turnpike workers’ wages fell 60–80 percent.
Despite this bank failure, markets were allowed to handle the recession, or the readjustment period. Because of this, the economy bounced back quite quickly. At the start of the recession, gross domestic product per capita only fell 1.1 percent, but from the latter half of 1819 until 1824, GDP per capita grew 1.5 percent. This was before urbanization, so many still lived on farms. Even though wages fell, the recession was still nowhere as bad post-Fed recessions like the one in 1929.
The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 put a 55 percent tax on all foreign imports, this practically eliminated all exports. Agriculture suffered the most. Tens of thousands of farms were closed and sold for as low as $50. At the beginning of 1920, there were 28,885 banks, and by 1933, roughly fifteen thousand remained, the Federal Reserve Board of 1937 noted that two-thirds of these banks were in towns with less than twenty-five hundred people and that the majority failed.
Wages may have dropped in 1819, but the economy bounced back. It did not drag for sixteen years, nor did thousands of farms and banks fail.
Isn’t Gold Supposed to Prevent This?
Another reason why recessions during the “gold standard” days happened is that nations rejected using the simple units of measurements for weighing gold and inflated paper notes using small amounts of gold. For example, one pound of gold is sixteen ounces, sixteen ounces is 453 grams, etc.
Each nation had its own sovereign money, such as the dollar, the mark, and the franc, and while each was tied to gold, each had different exchange rates for gold. This allowed nations to go off the gold standard and inflate the currency supply.
In his book What has the Government Done to our Money? (p. 14), Murray Rothbard states:
The dollar was defined as 1/20 of an ounce of gold. It was therefore misleading to talk about exchange rates of one country to another. The pound sterling did not really exchange for five dollars. The dollar was defined as 1/20 of a gold ounce and the pound sterling was, at that time, defined as the name for 1/4 of a gold ounce, simply traded for 5/20 of a gold ounce.
Rothbard later explains how in a pure free market, gold would be exchanged directly, in grams, grains, or ounces.
Panic of 1873
Just before the American Civil War, there was around $200 million in banknotes issued by fifteen hundred state banks. In 1861 after the outbreak of the war, there was much debate on how to finance it. All options were on the table, and it seems President Abraham Lincoln chose them all.
In 1861, the Revenue Act imposed a 3 percent tax rate on incomes between $600 and $5,000. Greenbacks were introduced, and these were not backed by gold but printed on paper. Secretary of the US Treasury Salmon Chase asked Congress to approve the printing of 150 million notes, and in 1862, he got the order to do it.
Secretary Chase got two similar orders in 1863 and 1864, both equating to $150 million. By 1865, there were $835 million in both national and state banknotes, but the banks did not stop until 1873, when there was around $1.964 billion in circulation.
One of the founders of the bond system was Jay Cooke. The House of Cooke distributed Treasury bonds during and after the Civil War. Cooke also became head of the government-subsidized Northern Pacific Railroad. Cooke was fervently antigold and considered it a hard coin of a “bygone age.” The previous inflationary policies of the banks caused the House of Cooke bond system and the Northern Pacific railroad to fail, which sparked the Panic of 1873.
But even though a government-subsidized company crumbled under its own weight, the country did not fall into a long depression. In fact, the years from 1873 onward would be a very prosperous time, Rothbard notes:
The decade from 1869 to 1879 saw a 3-percent per-annum increase in money national product, an outstanding real national product growth of 6.8 percent per year in this period, and a phenomenal rise of 4.5 percent per year in real product per capita.
This was not a depression. In fact, most recessions or panics up until 1921 were over quickly because neither the government nor a central bank got involved. But in cases like the Great Recession of 2008, the Fed and government got involved.
The housing boom and bust of 2006 began because the Fed kept interest rates lower than they should have been. This contributed to the demand for housing, since lower interest rates mean lower mortgage payments. Eventually, the Fed kicked interest rates back up, which caused those who had bought houses they normally wouldn’t be able to afford to pay higher mortgages.
All the financial institutions that financed the housing boom, like Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, took massive losses and had to be bailed out by the US government. In the end, six million people had their homes foreclosed on, unemployment reached 10 percent, and GDP fell by 4.3 percent.
Panic of 1893
While previous examples showed the expansion of paper money outpacing the amount of specie American banks had in store, the Panic of 1893 was sparked by an expansion of silver and silver paper certificates. Hans Sennholz writes that “from 1878 on to 1893 there had been an expansion of money based on silver.”
This recession was not a matter of printing notes beyond the amount of gold banks had, but instead one of congressional meddling. In 1878, the Bland-Allison Act allowed for the Treasury to mint silver coins and issue silver certificates. In 1890, the Sherman Silver Purchase Act decreed that the government would buy 4.5 million ounces of silver every month. This expansion of silver caused the gold supply to drop because of heightened prices and the easy money legislation.
Eventually, President Grover Cleveland called a special session in Congress, pleading for the repeal of the previous silver acts to stop the drain on US gold reserves. They were repealed, which stopped the inflation of silver and allowed for a recession to readjust the market.
Conclusion
After the establishment of the Federal Reserve in 1914, twentieth-century recessions were numerous and deeper than pre-Fed recessions. There have been eighteen recessions between 1918 and 2007. Soon, a 2022 or 2023 recession will be added to this list, brought on by a massive expansion of easy money accompanied by price inflation. Despite President Joe Biden’s efforts to blame “greedy” corporations and Vladimir Putin, this one is on the Fed and Washington.
Many people look at today's economy and see the same disturbing pattern: the cost of living keeps rising, wages for much of the middle class struggle to keep up, and a small class of billionaires becomes dramatically wealthier year after year. The natural conclusion for many is that capitalism has failed. Their proposed solution is often more wealth redistribution, heavier regulation, and greater government control over the economy.
That reaction is understandable. People can feel that the system is unfair. What most cannot identify is why it feels unfair.
The greatest issue of our time is the broken monetary system. It creates enormous wealth inequality because it gives one group of citizens an advantage that no free market should ever allow: the ability to receive newly created money before everyone else. It also grants extraordinary power to governments, enabling policies that would be politically impossible if every dollar had to come from taxation rather than monetary expansion.
Many Americans sense that something fundamental is wrong. They see insiders getting richer while ordinary people work harder just to stand still. They see politically connected institutions repeatedly rescued while individuals are told to accept market discipline. They are angry about the unfairness, even if they cannot yet identify the mechanism behind it.
The greatest source of modern wealth inequality is not merely who owns the most wealth—it is who receives newly created money first.
The problem is not fundamentally a red-team versus blue-team issue. It is a sound-money issue.
Ironically, many people blame capitalism and advocate for forms of progressive socialism. That reaction makes sense because what they are experiencing often does not resemble a genuine free market. What we have today is increasingly a system where losses are socialized for the powerful while competition remains brutal for everyone else.
❦
Socialism for the Rich, Capitalism for Everyone Else
The modern monetary system—especially central banking—is the engine that makes this possible. The Federal Reserve is often presented as a neutral referee managing the economy for the public good. In practice, it functions as one of the most powerful wealth-transfer mechanisms ever created.
When central banks create money through quantitative easing, artificially low interest rates, emergency lending facilities, or asset purchases, that new money does not appear evenly across society. It enters the economy through banks, financial institutions, large corporations, and major asset owners first.
These groups get access to fresh liquidity before prices fully adjust. They buy stocks, real estate, bonds, and other assets while the new money is still relatively concentrated. By the time that money filters through the broader economy, asset prices have already risen and the cost of living has increased.
The result is predictable:
Asset owners become wealthier on paper and in practice.
Savers watch their cash lose purchasing power.
Wage earners find that prices rise faster than incomes.
Younger generations discover that homes, education, and investments move further out of reach.
Economists have a name for this: the Cantillon Effect. Those closest to the money printer benefit first. Everyone else pays later through higher prices and reduced purchasing power.
Money is never injected into an economy evenly. Those who receive it first gain purchasing power before prices adjust, while everyone else pays the hidden cost through inflation.
This is not free-market capitalism. It is a system in which the powerful receive subsidized credit, preferential access to liquidity, and repeated bailouts, while ordinary people are told to compete in a supposedly fair market.
❦
Why More Socialism Would Not Fix It
Many people respond to this reality by placing their hopes in a different politician, a different party, or a more aggressive redistribution program. But changing who controls the machinery of money creation does not change what the machinery does.
Even if well-intentioned socialists gained full control and implemented expansive welfare programs, wealth redistribution, and price controls, the core problem would remain. The new ruling class would still possess access to the central bank's ability to create money. They would simply direct inflation, credit expansion, and bailouts toward different favored groups.
The mechanism of wealth transfer would survive intact.
Key Observation
The Cantillon Effect does not care whether the beneficiaries are bankers, bureaucrats, corporations, or politically connected activists. As long as a select group receives newly created money before everyone else, purchasing power is quietly transferred away from the broader public.
History repeatedly shows that societies with unconstrained fiat monetary systems tend to produce the same outcomes: rising prices, distorted incentives, shortages, financial bubbles, black markets, and new forms of elite privilege. The names of the elites change; the structure remains.
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What Sound Money Changes
True fairness does not come from redistributing wealth after the financial elite have already benefited from money creation. It comes from preventing that privilege in the first place.
A sound-money system is one in which no group can create purchasing power out of thin air and spend it before everyone else. Saving preserves value. Investment is funded by real capital rather than endless credit expansion. Success comes more from productivity and innovation than from proximity to political power.
The wealth gap, eroding living standards, recurring financial crises, and growing public anger are not random events. They are the predictable consequences of a monetary system that privatizes gains for insiders while socializing losses across the broader population.
Until that system changes, debates about taxes, regulation, welfare, and redistribution will continue to treat symptoms rather than causes.
The uncomfortable truth is that many Americans are not living under pure capitalism, nor would simply moving toward more socialism solve the problem. They are living under a monetary system that rewards those closest to newly created money and quietly transfers purchasing power away from everyone else.
Fixing the money will not solve every problem in society. But until the money is fixed, many of the problems people attribute to capitalism will continue to get worse—no matter which party wins the next election.
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Final Thought
Understanding the monetary system does not require agreement with any particular political philosophy. Regardless of one's views on taxes, regulation, or the size of government, monetary literacy provides a framework for examining how money creation influences purchasing power, wealth distribution, incentives, and long-term economic stability. An informed citizen is better equipped to evaluate competing ideas and reach independent conclusions.
I've gathered a lot since joining. I used to imagine money just sitting in a bank account like cash in a vault but learning how the monetary system actually works was eye-opening for me.
I learned that most money today is digital, not physical. Banks don’t just store money; when they issue loans, they effectively create new money within a regulated system. That changed how I see things big time.
I used money and currency interchangeably and incorrectly. They are not the same. It feels like discovering the hidden mechanics of something I use every day. Thank you! 😄
Lynette Zang is an economist that has been involved in the markets at some level since 1964, as a student, banker, stockbroker and precious metals and currency analyst. She has been studying currency lifecycles since 1987 and discovered similar social, economic, and financial patterns that occur throughout the stages of a currency’s lifetime. She believes that recognizing these patterns enables people to see what’s coming and make well-informed choices that put their best interest first. Together, Lynette, her team of experts and special guests share how to best prepare for economic uncertainty. Focus will be in the areas of Lynette’s mantra and how to be equipped in the key areas of Food, Water, Energy, Security, Wealth Preservation, Barterability, Shelter and last, but certainly not least, Community. This channel is dedicated to supporting sound money globally and building a community that connects us worldwide.
Recommended After: Completing Monetary Policy Lessons 1–6 and the Federal Reserve documentaries.
Purpose: Explore the history of the Federal Reserve, modern banking, inflation, government debt, and the evolution of the American monetary system.
The Creature from Jekyll Island is one of the most widely read books critical of the Federal Reserve System. Written by G. Edward Griffin, it examines the origins of central banking in the United States, the events surrounding the 1910 Jekyll Island meeting, and the economic consequences attributed to modern monetary policy.
The book combines history, economics, and political commentary while presenting the author's interpretation of the Federal Reserve's creation and long-term influence. As with all materials in this Academy, readers are encouraged to examine the evidence presented, consult additional historical sources, and form their own informed conclusions.
📚 Concepts Reinforced
Federal ReserveCentral BankingMoney CreationInflationGovernment DebtBoom & Bust CyclesBanking HistoryMonetary PolicyEconomic History
✍️ About the Author
G. Edward Griffin is an American author, documentary filmmaker, and lecturer best known for his writings on monetary history, banking, and the Federal Reserve System. His work has introduced many readers to the history of central banking and continues to be widely discussed among students of economics, finance, and monetary policy.
After finishing the book, take a few moments to reflect before joining the discussion below.
Reflection Questions
What argument did you find most compelling?
Which historical evidence stood out to you?
Did this book change your understanding of the Federal Reserve?
Which claims deserve further investigation?
Would you recommend this book to someone beginning their study of monetary history? Why or why not?
Join the Discussion
Share your thoughts, questions, favorite passages, and any additional resources that helped deepen your understanding. Respectful, evidence-based discussion is encouraged.
David Rogers Webb is a former investment banker and hedge fund manager who studied the mechanisms by which the Federal Reserve manipulated financial markets through the Dot-com bubble and bust. Then, early in the Great Financial Crisis of 2008/2009, he became alarmed when client accounts were encumbered in the bankruptcy of a small broker dealer. He then discovered that legal changes had been made quietly which sever property rights to securities.
G. Edward Griffin is a thoughtful writer, documentary filmmaker and tireless advocate of American values, individual responsibility and human freedom. Griffin wrote the landmark book on the Federal reserve titled The Creature from Jekyll Island.
What if the currency in your wallet was created through a chain of IOUs?
In Episode 4 of Hidden Secrets of Money, Mike Maloney breaks down one of the most important — and least understood — parts of the modern financial system: how currency is created.
This episode explains how Treasury bonds, Federal Reserve checks, banks, debt, taxes, and fractional reserve lending all work together inside what Mike calls the biggest scam in the history of mankind.
The core idea is simple but shocking: the Treasury issues IOUs, the banks buy those IOUs, the Federal Reserve writes its own IOUs, and currency springs into existence. The process repeats over and over, enriching the banking system while increasing the national debt and passing the bill to the public.
Mike also explains why inflation is not simply “prices going up,” why debt must keep expanding under the current system, and why understanding the difference between money and currency is essential.
This is a great miniseries and may be worth featuring along side hidden secrets of money.
THE UNITED STATES OF ADDICTION
Serialized Article — Part 1
How did George Washington get paid the first time? It wasn't with coins. The mint did not open until 1792. Washington's presidency began in 1789. The answer is that George Washington got paid the same way all US presidents have been paid: with bankers' fingers in his pockets, skimming money from the entire country through one huge banking scam.
That huge banking scam did not start in 1913 with the Federal Reserve. It did not start in 1863 with the National Banking Act. It did not even start in 1791 with the first Bank of the United States, the country's first central bank. It started on Alexander Hamilton's third day in office in 1789 when he had the country borrow funny money from a fake bank in which Hamilton owned shares. He then paid George Washington and other US creditors and employees of the government with that funny money.
Hamilton did not invent the scam himself. He copied it from the Bank of England system set up in 1694. But Hamilton fixed its one big flaw, the flaw that caused the Bank of England to default in 1696 when its funny money was exposed as a sham. Hamilton found a way to prevent a default from happening. Otherwise, the two scams are identical.
If George Washington had known the truth about his early paychecks, there would be a sequel to the hatchet story where what gets chopped to bits is a Treasury Secretary rather than a cherry tree. Thanks to Alexander Hamilton, George Washington got paid with paper IOUs, banknotes issued by the so-called Bank of New York in which Hamilton owned shares.
What prevented exposure of those banknotes as paper Chuck-E-Cheese tokens worth 35 cents on the dollar was the first bailout in United States history. In that bailout, Hamilton converted the Chuck-E-Cheese tokens into full US dollars and then had the United States pay his fake bank interest on the full US dollars rather than the fake bank paying the United States for every dollar-denominated paper Chuck-E-Cheese token that Alexander Hamilton upgraded into a full legal US dollar.
The United States paid the Bank of New York 6 cents. We transformed dumpsters full of its junk paper IOUs into full money and we paid the bank. This is crystal clear from the official record, as you are about to see.
If you understand this scam and, in particular, how Hamilton fixed the flaw with the Bank of England system, you will understand the scam that is modern central banking throughout the West, which is hands down the biggest scam in the history of the world.
By way of that background, welcome to Best Evidence. My name is John Titus. This video marks this channel's return to the War for Bankracy series after a very long break corresponding to a sea change in my thinking about how and when the cabal of globalist criminals that is currently running the US came into power.
How and when did they take sovereignty and divest the people of agency, taking the power from we the people? Like a lot of other people, I believed it was by a coup d'état at some point in American history. Originally in this episode I was going to argue that the coup took place during the global financial crisis. Other people of course have pointed to other events in US history as marking a coup. The JFK assassination is a big one. The creation of the Fed in 1913 is one. 9/11 is a biggie. And originally episode 4 was going to pile on to that list and say, “No, no, it was the global financial crisis.”
But the more I researched and really the more I analyzed, the more I understood that the coup theory does not really work. Not because there has not been a sovereign power transfer. For sure there has been a sovereign power transfer. We the people have not been the real sovereign in the US for a very long time. I do not think very many thinking people would argue that point.
The coup theory fails because a coup d'état is a criminal act. It is pretty much the worst crime on the books. Whereas the sovereign power transfer that took place in the US did so through legal channels. There was nothing criminal or illegal about it. And it was not at some point in US history. It was within two days of Alexander Hamilton taking office on September 11th, 1789.
THE UNITED STATES OF ADDICTION
Serialized Article — Part 2
That's when, two days later, he handed the keys to the nation's sovereignty, which is the power over national credit, over to private bankers. He did that, like I said, by copying and improving the Bank of England system set up in 1694.
Now, in episode two, we saw that the establishment of the Bank of England was a pivotal event in world history because that is what propelled the private power over national credit past the military to become the number one sovereign power in sovereign nations. Remember Machiavelli said in the early 1520s that the military was the greatest power, but by the early 1800s, Thomas Jefferson said, “No, banking institutions are more dangerous than standing armies.” That is really not so much a difference of opinion as it is a difference of era. Machiavelli simply did not live to see the Bank of England created in 1694. And that is when standing armies yielded to banking institutions as top dog.
And one very important reason for that was that in the Bank of England system and in the systems that follow it, power over national credit was not just private. It was anonymous. And that latter feature is what enables people, private individuals, to wield enormous power over a nation with no democratic safeguards, no restraints, and no transparency at all. You do not even know who they are. With the military, at least you know the names of the top brass.
In this episode, I am going to walk through that scam again, but this time I am going to use the US as an example and show you how Hamilton perfected the scam by eliminating the biggest risk faced by the bankers. I am also going to talk about another feature of the private credit system which ensures that the power wielded by bankers is permanent and that is the fact that the private power over national credit behaves exactly like an addiction. It replicates an addiction perfectly, where the country is the addict, the private bankers are the drug dealers, and the private credit, the money, what we think of as money, is the drug.
Actually, I am going to show you that the private power over national credit is worse than a drug addiction. I will get to that. But make no mistake about it, private credit addiction went into the veins of the US, into its money supply, at birth. And it is the apex ancestor of every addiction that came after it.
In so far as a coup d'état is concerned though there was not one. When Alexander Hamilton perfected the Bank of England system of addiction here in the US he did not do anything illegal and he was never challenged. He might have been near the limits of his discretion as US Treasury Secretary but no one ever challenged him. Not Congress, not the president, not the courts. So private credit addiction has raged in this country for 250 years. The public debt is now $40 trillion. The interest payment is absolutely out of control. And now the drug dealer's got to harvest the addict's organs because siphoning blood out of our veins is no longer enough. In financial terms, the debtor can't service the interest payment anymore, not the real interest payment at any rate. So the creditor has got to start pocketing collateral. And we are experiencing that in real time right now.
That is a short form of US history. Private credit addiction was created in 1789 in order to feed parasites. It got worse for 250 years and now the parasites are bleeding the nation dry before they move on to their next host or whoever that might be. But there was never a coup. If you want to take over a country, a coup is actually dangerous because it exposes you to prison, exposes you to death. It is a hanging offense. The much smarter play is to get the nation addicted to your credit and then control the credit. That is what is going on. Doing it that way gives you the upside of a coup d'état, gives you sovereign control without the downside, the risk of prosecution, jail or death. That is because the private power over national credit is a voluntary and legal transfer of power from the nation to private individuals.
The trick, of course, is getting the nation to hand over its power like that, which in the US was done by way of an inside job, as you are going to see in this video. It was not some outside enemy, in other words, who jabbed a needle of private credit addiction into the nation's arm. It was her first United States Treasury Secretary. And no one said peep. So even if it was of dubious constitutionality, what Hamilton did, and I think it was questionable at a minimum, it was not illegal and thus there was never a coup in the US.
That is a major reversal for me and for this channel because for over 10 years I have been saying there was a coup at some point, that at some point in US history a gang of criminals took over, took control of the US. And my number one piece of evidence on that score was and is to this day extremely solid, very solid, never challenged. And that is a decision made at the highest levels of government not to prosecute any executive at any global too-big-to-fail bank even when the banks admitted their crimes. That decision, as I have shown repeatedly on this channel, was ultimately made by the banks themselves by installing attorneys at the Department of Justice who refused to investigate crimes by banks. That outcome is absolutely shocking because it reveals that private bankers enjoy sovereign immunity far beyond what the United States president has under the Constitution.
Remember Nixon had to answer a subpoena. That is what got him out of office. He was subject to investigation but not the global too-big-to-fail banks. And what that reveals, the fact that they are not being investigated, is that the sovereign power under the Constitution, we the people, is not really the sovereign power in the US. I still stand by that. In fact, I did two long videos on that very point. One was The Veneer of Justice in the Kingdom of Crime in 2016 and then All the Plenary's Men in 2017. This video in a lot of ways is a prequel to those, but those said there was a coup and that is wrong. Otherwise, those videos stand as is. They are other good videos. However, it does not follow from the loss of sovereignty that a coup is what caused the loss of that sovereignty. That is where those videos go wrong.
In reality, our loss of sovereignty starts with a bank in which Alexander Hamilton owned shares and which is absolutely remarkable for its absence from so many accounts of early US monetary history. The vast majority of accounts of early US monetary history focus exclusively on the Bank of North America. But the US actually borrowed from two banks back then. One was the Bank of North America and the other is Hamilton's Bank, the Bank of New York. And of those two, the Bank of New York is obviously the real ancestor of today's too-big-to-fail banks, not the Bank of North America. And that is based on several abuses that were simply not true of the Bank of North America, the more popular rival than the Bank of New York.
THE UNITED STATES OF ADDICTION
Serialized Article — Part 3
I will just kind of run through what distinguishes Bank of New York over Bank of North America. One, the Bank of New York was born on the wrong side of the law. We are going to see that later. And it operated without a bank charter for seven years. It did not get its charter until 1791. And it did not have a charter because the people of New York did not trust it. The Bank of North America was in Philadelphia. It had its charter in 1781. Number two, the Bank of New York's encroachment on the sovereign money issuing prerogative under Article One of the Constitution was done with 100 per cent private ownership just like the New York Fed today. Bank of North America was 60 per cent publicly owned, at least early on, at least at first. Number three, Hamilton owned shares in the Bank of New York while he was US Treasury Secretary borrowing money from his own bank. So the financial graft of public servants that is so commonplace today started with the Bank of New York. Just those precedents make it a far better case for studying the private power over national credit scam.
Now, briefly, where am I getting my information about the Bank of New York and Alexander Hamilton? The answer is I am getting it from the Bank of New York's official history, 1784 to 1884. So, let's take a look at it. This is my corkboard for this episode where I can see all my source materials in one place and I can get to them. The leftmost item you see here is appendix 7 from the book I just mentioned, the history of the Bank of New York. And you can see the page over there, the list of stockholders of the Bank of New York at the time of its incorporation in 1791. So in 1789, the Bank of New York does not have a charter at all. But that does not stop it from issuing banknotes and lending them out to borrowers like the United States. Nor does it prevent it from issuing stock, including you see here, one and a half shares to Alexander Hamilton and three shares to his good buddy Aaron Burr. And even a share to their pal Oliver Cromwell, who died in the mid-1600s. Huh. Anyway, who knows? Whatever. If you flip to the end of appendix 7, you see that there are 723 total shares in the company, which made Hamilton the 0.2 per cent owner of the Bank of New York while he is sitting as Treasury Secretary. One and a half shares is kind of curious to me. The subscription price for a share was $500 per share. Hamilton was more than an investor though. He wrote the articles of incorporation for the bank in 1794 and was one of its 12 directors before he became Treasury Secretary. I will get to that in a bit, but he was knee-deep in this bank. One and a half shares is curious because it seems kind of small, but it is certainly enough to create the good old-fashioned aroma of self-dealing.
This is a good point to mention. By the way, the War for Bankracy series is 100 per cent backed up by Solari.com and Catherine Austin Fitts. Meaning, not only can you watch and download the War for Bankracy series at Solari.com in case YouTube and BitChute and Odysee take it down, you could always find an archival copy at Solari. But in addition, you can also at Catherine's site download the research materials and sources that you see here like the Bank of New York's official history. There is a PDF of that you can just download yourself. Catherine Austin Fitts, incidentally, gets huge props for this episode in particular and supporting it. She is a major Alexander Hamilton fan. So her support of this episode is being provided at great personal pain, rest assured. But support it she will because Catherine is first and foremost a woman of great personal integrity. She has also been magnificent as a mentor doing a weekly show with her together called Money and Markets on Solari for the last five years. Thank you Catherine Austin Fitts. I do not say that enough.
In any case, let's move on and let's now explore the scam called the private power over national credit by comparing the nation's early dealings with the Bank of New York with England's dealings with the Bank of England in 1694. So to set the stage in 1789, the US has just started to operate under the Constitution and it needs money for salaries and it could get that money either by borrowing money or by issuing money. Congress has both of those powers under the new Constitution specifically under Article 1 Section 8. Paragraph two of that section gives Congress the power to borrow money on the credit of the United States. And under paragraph five, Congress can coin money. Now, upfront, did coining money under the Constitution include the right to issue paper money like greenbacks almost 100 years later? A lot of people will tell you, "No, the term coining money only means gold and silver coins." But hold that thought. We will see if that position really boils down to no more than a ruse by private bankers to filter the right to issue paper money from we the people and keep it for themselves. For now, let's stipulate though that coining money is indeed limited to gold and silver coins. And we will see where that stipulation takes our analysis.
So it is 1789 and the US can coin money or borrow money on US credit to pay the salaries for new government employees like George Washington. But rather than coining money or borrowing money, the US borrows IOUs. It borrows paper notes from private banks in order to pay George Washington's lavish $25,000 a year salary and the more reasonable salary of Vice President Adams at $5,000 and on down to the Senate and the House. But what does that look like? What does a paper note from a private bank look like? Well, let me just show you. Let's just drill right down on this note from the Bank of New York. The US borrowed this privately issued funny money instead of borrowing real money, instead of borrowing gold and silver. But how do we know that this note is not actually money itself? Well, the note tells you that it is not money right there on its face. You can see that the president and directors of the Bank of New York promised to pay $1 on demand to whoever. If this were real money, there would be no need to demand anything. Unless a demand amounted to taking your $1 Bank of New York note to the bank, demanding your dollar, and being told by the teller that you are holding a dollar, and that your demand is thereby satisfied. That is ridiculous. That does not make any sense. So, you can see this note is not actually money. It is a promise to pay money, to pay $1. So, in 1789, money in the US was by custom silver and gold coins. A lot of them were Spanish doubloons, silver dollars, pieces of eight. And that is consistent with our stipulation. So, when the Bank of New York says it will pay $1 on demand, what that means is that the holder of this note could walk into the Bank of New York and demand in exchange for the note one ounce of silver, probably Spanish, or the equivalent amount of gold, probably a coin. But the point is, either way, when you ask the Bank of New York for your $1 in exchange for its $1 IOU here, you are probably going to get your silver dollar probably. If the bank has it on hand, then yeah, but that is not guaranteed. And that is why the $1 Bank of New York note, like all bank notes, is worth less than the face value of the note, worth less than a dollar. Think of it like a coat claim check at a restaurant. Yeah, you are probably going to get your coat back. But the ticket is worth less than the coat itself to be sure due to risk. We will talk about what percentage of their face value the Bank of New York notes were worth in a minute. For now, we know what the bank note is. It is an IOU and what it is not, which is money.
Now, the US borrowed $80,000 of notes from the Bank of New York in 1789. Alexander Hamilton chose that route. He went that way. That was his choice. And up until that point, that is exactly the same route that England took in 1694 with the Bank of England. It borrowed 1.2 million pounds of notes from the private Bank of England. The problem was the Bank of England stopped paying on its notes just two years later in 1696. It was a total disaster and it stopped paying because it lacked the gold to back its notes. And there was a run on the Bank of England. It was forced to say, yeah, we do not have the gold to back the IOUs. We saw this in episode two.
THE UNITED STATES OF ADDICTION
Serialized Article — Part 4
We saw this in episode two. The question is, was the Bank of New York any different? We know because we just saw it that the bank issued at least $80,000 in notes just to the US, plus it issued other notes, plus it had deposits. And depositors can demand gold and silver, too, just like note holders. And also this is very important. The Bank of New York lacked a charter. It did not have a charter in 1789. That is a big problem. The question is did the Bank of New York face the risk of a bank run like the Bank of England did in 1696? And the answer is yeah, it faced a run. It faced the risk big time. Not only did the Bank of New York lack sufficient gold to pay out all the demands out there, but its lack of a charter made it especially susceptible to a bank run. How do we know that? Because the Bank of New York's own official history tells us that in very clear language. Let's go back to our corkboard and see here. Look at the Bank of New York official history again. Let's just look at chapter 4 of the bank's history, page 36, second paragraph. The following is a statement of the assets and liabilities of the bank at the time it commenced business under the charter May 1st 1791. And then the actual balance sheet is shown on the next page. Here we go. We are interested in the Bank of New York species bank. It is Precious Metal Bank. That is in US dollars. The paper bank you see there is a hold over from when New York state as a colony issued notes denominated in British pounds which it actually did up until 1787. So we are going to bypass that and just look at the species bank the dollar bank. So on the right side there you see capital stock and that is gold and silver paid in by investors like Hamilton $318,000. Now, normally that money, that 318 grand would not be subject to a demand for return, but it is here because the Bank of New York did not have a charter. I will talk about that in a minute about why that is the case. But let's keep moving through liabilities. Next, you see notes at 181,000 and then deposits of $774,000. Both of those liabilities are without a doubt subject to demands for redemption on the spot. So, the Bank of New York, we will include the capital. I will get to why you have to include it in a minute. It has $1.27 million of liability subject to demands for conversion into gold and silver coins. If I am right about its capital stock being subject to demands for return, now let's pause for a minute. Let's look at assets. On the left side, you see gold there at $516,000. But you notice that it gets reduced down to $463,000 because there is $53,000 of notes that are already laying claim to that gold. So, it is only $463 grand. So the actual value of Bank of New York notes is not 100 cents on the dollar. It is 35 cents on the dollar because the bank has only got 463 grand to back up over $1.27 million of liabilities. And that figure, like I said, that is for 1791. It is not going to be that much different in 1789 unless it is worse. Now let's talk about why I say the capital stock is subject to demands for gold. Just like note holders and depositors can demand the gold. So could investors in the Bank of New York. Normally investors in companies like Hamilton investing in the Bank of New York. They can get their money back. They can get their gold back out of the company by selling shares to a second investor willing to buy those shares. In other words, if they want their gold back, they got to find a buyer. The company or the bank is not just going to hand the gold back to the investor in exchange for the investor's shares. But the Bank of New York's articles of incorporation, which were written by Hamilton in 1784, as we saw, told investors that their legal liability was limited to the amount that they invested. So, it was limited liability company. In other words, if you invested $10 in the Bank of New York, your total liability, your total exposure for the acts of the bank would be $10. But it turns out that is false. Without the bank charter, investors are on the hook for every act done in the Bank of New York's name. So if you invested $10 in that bank and the Bank of New York then loses, let's say, a wrongful death lawsuit for $10 million, a court issuing that judgment can reach your assets to the extent necessary to pay that $10 million judgment. You see why a charter is important now? So, if an investor asks the Bank of New York for their gold back the Bank of New York has got to cough up pronto. And Alexander Hamilton damn well knows that because he is a guy who got investors gold in the first place by telling them that the Bank of New York was a limited liability corporation. Now Hamilton was smart enough to recuse himself as a bank director when he became US Treasury Secretary, but there is no getting out of being the author of those articles of incorporation. And in 1787, Hamilton, as we saw from the Bank of New York's own official history, still had stock in his own bank, which George Washington is going to learn when he destroys the bank with a hatchet for refusing to honor his bank notes that he earned as US president. Now, given everything you have heard about Alexander Hamilton before, does he strike you as the kind of guy who is going to leave a loose end like a potential bank run just hanging out, whipping around in the wind, looking for something to hit. That is what William Paterson did with the Bank of England in 1694. But William Paterson was a pirate. He was a retired buccaneer. Hamilton was a lawyer. He was not a sloppy guy. He did what he had to do to conceal the bank's massive gold shortage. How did he do that? Well, let's take a look. Let's go to the official record. As you can see, this is the history of national loans of the US, July 4th, 1776 to June 30th, 1880. It is from the Treasury Department for the 10th Census of the United States. The part we are interested in is on page 29, which shows exactly how Hamilton solved the problem he created by paying people like George Washington and other US creditors with paper IOUs printed up willy-nilly by a private bank without enough gold in its vault to cover a potential run. Let's go top of the page. Look at the look there talking about arrangements with Bank of New York and Bank of North America for temporary loans in the earliest days of the US. Specifically, it says money received from these banks paid the first installment of salary due to President Washington, senators, representatives, and officers of Congress during the first session of the Constitution. So, temporary loans from these two banks pay George Washington. And we know that what the Bank of New York lent to the US government was paper notes. We also know that the Bank of New York cannot come even close to honoring all of its liabilities. So what does Hamilton do? He writes an official Treasury circular and sends it around to creditors of the United States who are both owed money by the US and who in addition sooner or later owe or will owe money to the US themselves. The circular quoted here was sent to customs collectors. Customs remember were the main source of US revenue back then more than a hundred years before income taxes got started. And this is how Hamilton headed off the Bank of England problem. How he prevented a bank run that caused the Bank of England to default. Here is what Hamilton says to the creditors. Sir, it is my desire that the notes of these banks payable either on demand or at no longer a period than 30 days should be received in payment of the duties as equivalent to gold and silver and that they will be received from you as such by the treasurer of the United States. This measure, he says, will facilitate remittances, facilitate payments from the states without drawing away their specie, meaning without drawing down their gold and silver. Signed, Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury. So that is how Hamilton fixed the problem he caused when he had the US borrow bank notes worth 35 cents and pass them off as full dollars. A gamble that had burned the Bank of England and William Paterson, but was not about to burn the Bank of New York and Alexander Hamilton. Treasury Secretary Hamilton converted the Bank of New York IOU paper from notes into full US dollars by making them acceptable to the US government in payment of taxes. That is how you create money. And notice that he also expressly decreed those notes to be equivalent to gold and silver. England did not do that with the Bank of England in 1694 and it defaulted two years later. There was no bailout over there at least not in 1694. But let's return to the issue of paper money and let's think about what happened here with one piece of paper Hamilton circular the letter to the creditors. Hamilton converted other pieces of paper notes worth 35 cents into money into dollars. That is absolutely identical to a two-step money printing process. Step one, the Bank of New York prints some angels on a bunch of paper. Step two, Hamilton puts the US seal of approval on the angel paper, converting it into money. The Bank of New York angel paper started out as a 35 cent asset. The official US seal added 65 cents, turning it into $1 of legal money. So why is the US paying a percentage of the dollar when it added the vast majority 65 cents of that dollar's value? The better question though is why the US did not cut out the Bank of New York all together, pay it nothing, and simply print the paper itself. It could print eagles instead of angels. Obviously, the US had the ability to issue paper money from day one. Hamilton's letter that circular proves that even without the Supreme Court decision 80 years later holding as much that was Knox versus Lee of a series what is called the legal tender cases. And Knox versus Lee said yeah no greenbacks are constitutional. They are valid. The point here now though is that no one has ever complained about Hamilton's letter purporting to turn confetti from the Bank of New York into gold. So why do not the people who insist that the US can never ever be allowed to print money vilify Hamilton for doing exactly that, for violating their precious commandment? And the answer is their real problem is not with the US printing money. Their real problem is with the US printing money and not handing a percentage of it to private bank parasites like the Bank of New York. Remember, you got to remember the Bank of New York's demand for a percentage of the money came after the US upgraded the parasites trash IOUs into full dollars, which saved the bank from a bank run. And all these demands that the Bank of New York made, the upgrade, the bailout, the percentage cut, they are being made despite the painfully obvious fact that the US does absolutely not need the parasites at any stage of the money printing process. The Bank of New York drew angels on Post-it notes. That is it. That is all it did. Angels on Post-it notes. That is it. And if the bankers want a percentage of GDP for that, you got to be kidding me.
How much did the US pay the parasites anyway? Pay the Bank of New York for them to just suck interest payments out of the country whose labor is what enabled the conversion of their 35 cent junk paper into full silver dollars in the first place. Remember, the US borrowed $80,000 face of Bank of New York paper IOUs. But how much did that cost us? Well, let's take a look. Here you go. Center of the page for payment of interest on $80,000 borrowed from the Bank of New York, $1,934.82. And you can see just below that that the 80 grand loan from the Bank of New York was not made all at once. The US government borrowed 20 grand on Hamilton's third day in office, September 13, 30 grand the next day, 20 grand on October 1st, and a final 10 grand installment on December 1st, all in 1789. And you can see from above those entries that Hamilton is computing the interest payment on the loan as of March 1st next year, 1790. So it is less than a year. The bottom line math on these installments works out to a single blended rate on the aggregate $80,000 loan of 6 per cent annually. And I am here to tell you that is pure usury. That $1,935 interest statement, that is pure skim. You just saw it is Hamilton's blessing in his role as Treasury Secretary as a public servant that makes those notes worth 100 per cent of their face value. Makes them money rather than a paper asset worth 65 per cent less. So again, if it is the country's blessing of private bank notes that confer status as money on those notes, why are we paying private bankers a percentage of our own money when we could simply have the Treasury issue 80 grand ourselves and be completely free of any debt? Hands down, this is the biggest scam of all time anywhere. But let's ask this question. How does 6 per cent interest though for the Bank of New York parasites compare with the Bank of England parasites? Well, when England borrowed its gold back notes, it paid the Bank of England 8 per cent. So, the interest rate was different. The bottom line here is that American revolutionaries ended up getting a whole whopping 2 per cent discount for their troubles. Other than that, the scam of the US borrowing private banknotes in 1789 is identical to the scam of England borrowing private banknotes in 1694. This transatlantic scam, in other words, is what launched the public debt as an operating expense both in England in 1694 and in the US in 1789.
For just let all this sink in for a minute. We won the American Revolution. The American Revolution was won in 1781. But eight years later, the private bankers in London who had been fleecing the rebel colonies, indebting the rebel colonies at an 8 per cent interest rate, had been replaced by private banker parasites in New York who were indebting the United States at 6 per cent interest. Private anonymous bankers control each country by controlling its national currency. The country pays interest to private bankers to use their IOUs instead of simply issuing their own money, issuing the country's own money. The tragedy is that both countries destroy themselves with debt rather than just issuing money with no debt at all. And you can thank Alexander Hamilton for that. You can thank Hamilton for reducing the American Revolution to a shift change in bank managers who enslave nations in debt wherever they go. In other words, the United States might have beaten King George III's army, but it did not beat his bosses. Alexander Hamilton saw to it that the bankers stayed in command. When Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Declaration in 1776, 40 years later said that banking institutions are more dangerous than standing armies. This is exactly what he was talking about. And this is why Alexander Del Mar complained about the American Revolution. Actually, he did not complain about the American Revolution. He loved the American Revolution like I do. He complains about what happened just after the Revolution. And this is in his History of Money in America, which he wrote in 1899. Let's turn to page 109 where Del Mar goes on about how great the American Revolution is before revealing his massive disappointment with the immediate aftermath. Listen to his reason here. Never was a great historical event followed by a more feeble sequel. A nation arises to claim for itself liberty and sovereignty. It gains both of these by an immense sacrifice of blood and treasure. Then when victory is secured, it hands the national credit, that is to say, a national treasure over to private individuals to do as they please with it. So Del Mar says the US wins sovereignty when it wins the Revolutionary War, but then it immediately hands the win over by handing national credit over to bankers. The question though really is so what? If you hand over the national credit as Del Mar calls it to private individuals, are you also surrendering your sovereignty like I have been saying here? Del Mar answers that question yes. He comes down on my side of that issue which he makes clear when he completes his thought that he started there on page 109. He goes on so let's go back and I will finish that passage off. Here is Del Mar's impact assessment of handing over the national credit to private individuals. The colonists had practically an entire continent to themselves. They had only to take care that the seed they planted was genuine and uncontaminated. Nature was certain to do the rest. Well, they planted. And now, 1899, look at the fruit and see what it is that they planted. They planted financial corporations, a rotten seed that Rome had trampled underfoot nearly 2,000 years before. They planted private money in which successively both Greece and Rome had found the germs of social decay. And they planted financial exemptions from public burdens whose offspring has already become a tree so mighty that it cast a threatening shadow over the land. In a word, they planted another revolution. So there you have it. Now, why do you need a revolution? Why so extreme guy is what you are asking? The revolution is what you need in order to replace a king with some form of representative government run in accordance with the will of we the people. In theory, we the people gained our sovereignty from the revolution, at least here in the US. So the question really boils down to first, why is it that a handover of national credit amounts to a much broader handover of national sovereignty? And second, more specifically, why do not we the people simply use the sovereign powers that we did not hand over, like lawmaking, law enforcement, the right to raise standing armies? Why do not we use those sovereign powers to take the national credit issuance power back out of private hands? What is it about private and anonymous people issuing national credit that gives them sovereignty and dominion over an entire country despite the fact that their ability to issue that credit only exists because the country gave them that permission to do so in the first place? The answer is that debt-based monetary system as launched by Hamilton on his third day in office amounts to an addiction in which the drug dealer lender has total power over the drug user borrower. When bankers wrote IOUs for $80,000 and lent them to the US, which then had to pay back $82,000, private credit addiction was born in the US. The real cost to the country for that $80,000 hit was not $80,000. It was $82,000. And the hit after that is going to be $84,000 and so on. That is your basic addiction. You need more and more drugs to get the same high and you need more and more money to buy the same stuff. Debtor nations and debt-based monetary systems are addicted in two distinct senses. Number one, they pay ever larger prices to their dealer for yesterday's high. And second, if they do not get enough dope, they crash. The dealer's power over addicts comes from the control of the dope supply. And actually, private credit addiction is worse than a drug addiction due to what happens after a crash. When drug addicts and alcoholics crash, aftercare is managed by people outside of the cycle of addiction, doctors, family, friends, people who see that the real problem is alcohol and drugs and urge the addict to stop using dope and using drugs altogether in order to help the addict kick the addiction. When the debt-based monetary system crashes, by contrast, aftercare is managed by the drug dealers, by the bankers, because they are the experts, and their job is to keep the cycle of addiction going. And to do that, they have got to convince the addict that his problem has been fixed, that the cause of the crash is all gone. Now, the entire debt-based monetary system, in other words, rests on selling huge lies as truth to all of society. You actually believe that Dodd-Frank fixed the causes of the global financial crisis? Dodd-Frank is the brainchild of the leading drug dealer in the United States. I am going to show you that in the next episode using the drug dealer's own handwriting. You think the Banking Act of 1933 or Glass-Steagall eliminated the causes of the Great Depression? You got to be kidding me. They might have been good laws, but they played footsie with the real problem, which is private credit addiction on a national scale. But the high priest experts of finance and economics who are rich from the system that they work under are not going to tell you that. They will never identify any real solution. The entire industry, the entire finance and economics industry is a huge PR firm working for and owned by the people who get to create money out of thin air and lend it to the rest of us. That system, by the way, can sustain itself for only so long. Eventually what happens is the interest payment gets so big that the dealers got to start seizing the addict's collateral, seizing the nation's assets. That process is actually underway right now in the US. You see all these different schemes going about. Tokenization is one that all boil down to one thing. They are harvesting national assets before the parasites move on to their next host. And there is no voting your way out of this either. There is no buying your way out. Neither one is really an option, voting or buying your way out. And the reason for that is that no matter how much money you have got, Dope Man has got more. Dope Man prints money. You got to earn your money. To get out of this, you need assets that are not for sale. You need people who are not for sale. You need their spirit. You need their anger and the willingness to act. You need a revolution. In other words, exactly like Alexander Del Mar said. And you are never going to get there as long as you are looking for scapegoats like coup d'état perpetrators. And that is true for two reasons. Number one, it is a waste of time. Let us just say you are right. Let us say you are right and there was a coup at some point. Okay, well now what? What are you going to do? Round up all the perps? Most of them are dead. And if what you say is true, they are above the law anyway. So even if you are right about a coup, you are wasting your time because there is nothing you can do. The second reason to stop looking for perpetrators of some coup d'état is that blaming your problems, you are here meaning a country's problems, on some hobgoblin like a coup d'état perpetrator without ever asking if you yourself did something to cause your own misery is a go-to behavior of addicts in order to rationalize their own suffering. Addicts blame every person, place, and thing under the sun except for their own behavior, which never changes as a result because it is never identified as being a problem. As anyone in any drug and alcohol recovery program can tell you, Alcoholics Anonymous, Narcotics Anonymous, Rational Recovery, Women for Sobriety, Recovery Dharma, all of them, any program to stop addiction. It is not until the addict gets honest about the role he has played in his own misery that addiction can start coming to an end. Until the addict gets honest, he is going to hide behind fake villains and never take matters into his own hands. The problems in the US are rooted in its monetary system. That system is open to inspection. It is on the books. It is in Treasury circulars. It is in statutes. It is in case law. The problem is not hidden away in some dark cloak and dagger mystery. And look, I am not saying the people in charge have not committed crimes. They damn sure have. I have documented a lot of them at length on this channel. But the reason those crimes go unpunished is not that there was some coup. The reason those crimes go unpunished is that the criminals can use national credit to buy their way out of problems, to stay in power, and stay out of jail. Blaming your problems on a coup gains you nothing. Actually, the people who control the system by lending money into existence are all too happy to watch you vanish down rabbit holes searching for some coup rather than searching for things that we can do to end our own debt servitude. Now, in case you still doubt me that handing over national credit to private banks amounts to a handover of sovereignty, in the next episode, we are going to look at America's leading drug dealer, the New York Fed, at the height of the global financial crisis, and see how it controls the political process and election outcomes, and watch it break every law in its path to prop up its bank lieutenants just to keep the private credit addiction system alive and well in the West. There were eight people in the room that night in the New York Fed and one of them was a junior guy from the Treasury named Kevin Warsh. How about that? So, your new Fed chairman is a material witness to the Fed decision that night to break all the rules, including, by the way, the cardinal rule of central banking. Warsh's leash has been short ever since, and it is going to stay short when the next crash materializes into an absolute nightmare. So, stay tuned. Thanks so much for watching. I will see you next time.
I came here because I wanted to understand why prices kept rising and why the economy always seemed so unpredictable. I thought I had it mostly down and I figured I'd learn a few things and move on, but after finishing the core curriculum and about half of the documentary library, I realized how little I actually understood about money despite years of school. I still have a lot to learn, but I can finally understand answers to these questions without feeling completely lost. Looking back, this has been a valuable educational experience. 🙂